by Per Wahlöö
Lieutenant Brown: Appendix V IV/50. Speech by General Oswald, held at Radio Headquarters, Oswaldsburg, twenty-seventh of November at seven o’clock in the evening. The text is as follows:
Citizens! As I turn directly to you for the first time, it is after lengthy hesitation and consideration. As you all know, I personally was in the vanguard of the action which liberated this country from the tyranny and oppression of colonialism.
Since then, not a single general election or referendum has been held in the country. Despite this, the nation is faced every day with questions of critical importance, questions which concern the lives and welfare of all of us. Now, for the first time, we have an election ahead of us, or a referendum, if you so wish. Two alternatives are before us—but the most important thing is not the choosing of one form of government or the other. Fundamentally, the election is between keeping watch over our freedom and dignity on the one hand, and on the other hand continuing on the route already embarked on towards chaos and self-degradation.
With increasing anxiety, I have watched recent developments. Our international reputation has fallen a long way below par. Hundreds of millions of people now already regard our island as a spot of shame upon the map of the world. Worst is that none of us can hold our heads up and maintain that our accusers are wrong. We are developing into a chaotic and spineless nation, we have deliberately torn down what would have held us up, the three cornerstones of human existence, contained in the concepts of Religion, Morality and Dignity.
Our way of life has also created external enemies, far too many of them and far too strong to enable any of us to sleep soundly at night. I know that many of you do so—but that is due to ignorance and laxity.
Are you secure in your own homes? Can we even guarantee the lives of our children and our loved ones? The answer is no. As the person ultimately responsible for the internal and external security of the nation, I am forced to say that we lack the means to repel the annihilating attack from outside which any day, indeed any minute, could become a nightmare reality. In our blind faith in naïve doctrines, we have neglected to take the most elementary safety precautions. Many people covet our land and our lives, and we have robbed ourselves of the means of defending ourselves.
At root, all this is the result of our laxity and moral decay, of our retreat from the only true God, and our contempt for the rules of personal human behaviour. Yet these rules have been formed over the centuries and it is impossible to live without them. The developments here are definite and conclusive evidence of this. We gained our independence and founded this state in order to live in freedom. But what does that freedom look like today? Is it possible to speak of freedom in a country in which people to whom religion is a vital condition of life are forced to meet in secret places, like thieves in the night, to pray to their Creator? A country led by irresponsible people whose idea of freedom is chaos?
What is freedom worth in a state during whose whole existence its citizens have had no opportunity to have their say in free elections? Not until now, as our beautiful and flourishing island is on the way to being transformed into an Augean stables, stinking of excrement and immorality, as we lie defenceless, helplessly exposed to the first attacker—not until this moment of remorse and anxiety in face of the future, have I succeeded in convincing my opponents that a referendum is necessary.
Citizens, our old form of government has always been dubious, and now it has finally outlived itself. Its role is for ever and irretrievably played out. What we need today is a firm republican organisation, a president and a government which has the courage and strength to return the country to a tolerable and acceptable existence. A system in which freedom isn’t just a meaningless phrase. We need an army, a force that can defend us against external aggressors. We must recover all the spiritual values that have already been dragged through the mud and which will soon be irretrievably lost.
Perhaps you are asking: who today has sufficient courage and sufficient spirit of sacrifice to lead the way? My answer is: if you, citizens, offer me this onerous task, I am prepared to accept it.
In the referendum in two weeks’ time you will be given two alternatives—to vote yes or no, that is, for or against the subversive system which has brought us to the piteous state of vegetation we are now forced to endure. But it is not yet too late to stem the avalanche. You must vote no. Every no-vote is also, if you so wish it, a vote for me personally. Listen to me! Listen to me! Listen to God’s truth! He who votes no is helping to sweep away immorality and corrupt administration. He who votes no is choosing freedom and security for himself and his kin. He who votes no professes himself an adherent to the triumvirate Religion—Morality—Dignity. That is all, citizens. The decision is yours.
Colonel Orbal: Extremely good speech.
Major von Peters: Magnificent. What’s wrong with Velder? Has he fallen asleep?
Captain Endicott: Exhaustion, sir.
Colonel Orbal: Take the wretch out and shake some life into him. Try cold water if nothing else helps. Anyhow, I must have a cold beer before I get heat-stroke. The session is adjourned for one hour.
* * *
Colonel Orbal: Get the parties called in now, Brown.
Lieutenant Brown: There’s only Captain Endicott out there now, sir.
Colonel Orbal: What? Why’s that?
Major von Peters: Call him in then, Brown. And don’t stand there staring. This is a court martial, not an agricultural show.
Colonel Orbal: Well, Endicott, what’s the matter?
Captain Endicott: The guards did not succeed in rousing the accused from unconsciousness. Perhaps their methods were … somewhat primitive, if I may use that expression.
Major von Peters: Are you standing there insinuating that Bratianu’s men don’t know their job?
Colonel Orbal: Bratianu is first class.
Commander Kampenmann: What happened?
Captain Endicott: Velder collapsed and had to be taken to the military hospital. I’ve just spoken to the doctor and he couldn’t guarantee to have Velder on his feet by tomorrow.
Major von Peters: What sort of doctor?
Captain Endicott: Surgeon-Lieutenant Mogensen of the Naval General Staff.
Major von Peters: Take a note of his name. You’ll have to see to this, Kampenmann.
Colonel Orbal: This really is the limit.
Major von Peters: You can go, Endicott. We must have an internal discussion on this matter.
Colonel Orbal: Exactly.
Commander Kampenmann: What are we going to talk about now, then?
Major von Peters: I don’t like this business. Not a bit. It’s almost as if someone were having us on. Colonel Pigafetta, is this Endicott absolutely reliable?
Colonel Pigatetta: Are you sitting there saying straight to my face that you’re questioning the loyalty of my officers?
Colonel Orbal: Now, now, keep calm, you two.
Major von Peters: I just wondered how the hell we can try and sentence a murderer, deserter and traitor who, without punishment, uses every opportunity to malinger and give himself breathing space to find new lies. If he isn’t falling over on to the floor, he’s sitting sleeping in a wheelchair. And both Schmidt and Endicott treat him as if he were a new laid egg.
Commander Kampenmann: A lightly boiled egg, people usually say.
Major von Peters: To hell with what people usually say. What’s actually wrong with the swine?
Tadeusz Haller: I think I can dispel your uncertainty on this matter. Velder has in fact spent the last three weeks in the military hospital. After five days’ interrogation by the Security Service, he was practically dying. Fortunately, Lieutenant Bratianu realised at the last moment that he was adding yet one more blunder to his previous ones, and he had Velder taken to hospital. The doctors had an extremely difficult job, and it was only by the skin of their teeth and great efforts that they finally managed to keep him alive.
Major von Peters: Pretty meaningless occupation
, I should’ve thought.
Tadeusz Haller: I don’t think the General shares your opinion on that point.
Major von Peters: You seem to be suspiciously well-informed, Haller.
Colonel Orbal: Yes, you seem to know everything. But I bet you’ve never heard this one before. Once when Speedy Gonzales …
Major von Peters: For Christ’s sake, Mateo, at least wait till we’ve switched the tape-recorder off.
Colonel Pigafetta: Before I forget, Mr Haller. It would be a good thing if we could meet an hour earlier than we agreed to this evening.
Tadeusz Haller: That’s fine by me.
Major von Peters: Oh, so there’s to be high jinks at the Air Force again, is there?
Colonel Pigafetta: Not at all. Just a little bridge evening with the family.
Colonel Orbal: Bridge evening. Doesn’t sound much fun.
Commander Kampenmann: Shouldn’t we adjourn the session.
Colonel Orbal: Yes. Yes, of course. This extra-ordinary court martial is hereby adjourned until … what’s the date the day after tomorrow, Carl?
Major von Peters: The seventh.
Colonel Orbal: Until Wednesday the seventh of April at eleven o’clock. Then the wretch gets an extra day to pull round.
Ninth Day
Lieutenant Brown: Those present, Colonel Orbal, Colonel Pigafetta Major von Peters, Commander Kampenmann and Justice Haller. Officer presenting the case, Lieutenant Brown.
Commander Kampenmann: I hear that disturbances in the Eastern Province have broken out again.
Major von Peters: The plastics factories, as usual. Nothing serious.
Colonel Pigafetta: I haven’t had any reports on that.
Colonel Orbal: There’s no need to be so sour about it. We don’t need the Air Force. The emergency regiment in the second military area has already cleared things up. The whole mob were back at their machines within an hour.
Commander Kampenmann: It seems that these things have begun to happen somewhat frequently of late.
Tadeusz Haller: Remains of the bad old days, gentlemen. Exactly what this trial can eradicate at root. Or rather, the legislation the verdicts on Velder will lead to.
Colonel Orbal: Oh, yes. Call in the parties, Brown.
Major von Peters: Velder, for God’s sake pull yourself together now.
Velder: I’ll do my best, sir.
Major von Peters: For Christ’s sake, man, stand to atten … to think that I’ve lived to see this, too. A corporal sitting like a sack of potatoes when you speak to him.
Colonel Orbal: Get going, now, Schmidt.
Captain Schmidt: I request to be allowed to continue the questioning of the accused from the point where it was interrupted on Monday.
Major von Peters: Granted. Push him forward, Endicott.
Captain Schmidt: Corporal Velder. You say that General Oswald’s speech of the twenty-seventh of November—i.e. the speech which we heard read out word for word in this room—was decisive to your actions. Why?
Velder: I realised that the General’s attitude had changed and that he was preparing to smash something which not just he himself, but I and many others had created together.
Captain Schmidt: Why do you use the expression ‘changed his attitude’? Don’t you understand that the General has always had the same attitude, but for the public good and in consideration of the perpetuation and security of the nation, he had been forced to keep a good countenance in the face of evil?
Velder: I didn’t realise that at the time, anyhow.
Captain Schmidt: You just thought that the General was wrong then, when he attacked immorality, irreligiousness and slack administration?
Velder: Yes, sir.
Captain Schmidt: That should be sufficient to demonstrate the accused’s receptivity to spiritual and moral rearmament.
Colonel Orbal: What do you keep mumbling about, Schmidt? I can’t hear a word you’re saying.
Captain Schmidt: I beg your pardon, sir. I was pointing out the state of moral dissolution which Velder—like so many others—found himself in at the actual time.
Colonel Orbal: Oh.
Captain Schmidt: So as early as the twenty-seventh of November, then, you decided more or less unconsciously to desert and to commit high treason. And yet you remained in the service for some time onwards. Why?
Velder: I didn’t know what was going to happen. And although I didn’t like the General’s ideas, I didn’t see through his plans.
Captain Schmidt: What were conditions within the militia like at the time?
Velder: The new officers tightened up discipline. Both original militiamen and new recruits were driven very hard. The training was intensive.
Major von Peters: A true word at last. Never have bunches of blackguardly civilians been transformed into active troops so quickly. It …
Velder: But both officers and men were kept in their garrison areas. No leave was granted.
Major von Peters: Velder, if you interrupt me once more before I’ve had a chance to finish was I was saying, I’ll draw my pistol and shoot you through the head.
Colonel Orbal: What’s going on now? Why are you shouting like that, Carl?
Velder: I beg your pardon, sir. I don’t understand …
Captain Endicott: May I interject here that the doctor has said that since his last interrogation, Velder has been affected by aphasic disturbances. Contacts fail to function between his hearing on the one side and his speech organs and certain centra on the other.
Major von Peters: To hell with that. If he interrupts me again I’ll shoot him.
Colonel Pigafetta: Show at least a grain of sense, von Peters.
Major von Peters: What the hell did you say?
Tadeusz Haller: Gentlemen, gentlemen …
Colonel Orbal: Quiet, Carl. Velder, show respect to your superiors, whatever you’re suffering from. Go on, Schmidt.
Captain Schmidt: Were you present on any occasion when the General spoke to the nation.
Velder: Yes, on every occasion. The referendum was held on the twelfth of December. During the two weeks before it, the General made six speeches; three broadcasts on radio and television and three in public, in Oswaldsburg, Marbella and Ludolfsport. I was with him all the time, as I’d been posted as his personal bodyguard. Yes, indeed I was there and it was then I realised that it was exactly that, seeing him as he spoke, close to as well, which influenced my actions.
Colonel Orbal: Some people shout and others mumble like old women. What a performance.
Colonel Pigafetta: It is, in fact, very difficult to hear what the accused is saying.
Captain Endicott: We’re working on acquiring a strengthener, sir. Some kind of throat-microphone.
Captain Schmidt: How could the General’s appearance influence you?
Velder: It was something to do with his bearing. And his look. When you saw him close to, you realised that he really meant every word. Believed it all. He seemed taller, broader. His eyes shone. His teeth flashed.
Major von Peters: Of course the General meant what he was saying. Why should he say it otherwise? I’ve never heard such bloody nonsense in my life.
Captain Schmidt: And this influenced you in a negative direction? Made you betray the General?
Velder: Yes, I’m convinced of that. He made an impression that was almost overwhelming. All the speeches ended with the same phrase: ‘Listen to me, listen to God’s truth.’ In some way, that frightened me.
Captain Schmidt: I would like to draw the court’s attention to this in particular. Velder’s mind as well as the minds of many others were so twisted by heresy and inverted moral values that the truth frightened them and offers of help bred hatred and aversion instead of gratitude.
Colonel Orbal: What?
Velder: Strangely enough.
Captain Schmidt: Why do you say that?
Velder: Strange that he frightened me, I mean. I’d known him for many years. I’d always seen him as someone quite different. F
riendly and quiet. Not at all impressive. Least of all vain. Almost careless in his dress. Never one for giving orders and blustering. I suddenly realised … I mean that then I thought I understood that the desire for power had always been in him and it’d kept in step with his progress. I mean that now the country really was something to rule over. To reform and change.
Captain Schmidt: So that was the way you took the General’s efforts to save the nation?
Major von Peters: It’s repulsive listening to all this.
Captain Schmidt: Nonetheless, it is valuable for the future. Well, Velder, did the General talk to you at all during those weeks?
Velder: Yes, of course. Every day. We knew each other well. He was always talking to me.
Captain Schmidt: During the preliminary investigation, you made special mention of a conversation that occurred a week before the referendum.
Velder: Yes, on the fifth of December. He asked me if I wanted to be an officer.
Colonel Pigafetta: Just one moment. You maintain that the General offered you a commission?
Major von Peters: This is too much, even regarded as a lie. I refuse to concern myself with this.
Velder: Yes, he asked me if I wanted to.
Captain Schmidt: And what did you reply?
Velder: That I would prefer not to. He looked at me with a sort of smile then. Ambiguous, they used to say, I think. Then he mumbled: ‘Well, perhaps you’re not suitable.’ Soon after that he gave me a sealed envelope and said that I wasn’t to open it until I received a certain order in code. A code-signal, really.
Major von Peters: That may well be true. That secret Army order was distributed just about then. I didn’t think, of course, that it was for corporals.
Velder: Then the General said: ‘It’s ninety-nine per cent certain that you won’t need to open that envelope. A week tonight, you can burn it.’ He meant the day after the referendum.
Major von Peters: Have you by any chance observed, Captain Schmidt, that the accused’s behaviour is beneath all comment. He hasn’t given a formal reply to a single one of your questions. He keeps saying ‘he’ about the General, and maintains the General used his first name. Are you going to tolerate such things?