Requiem For Athens

by David Alkek

  The Lyceum was no mere copy of Plato's Academy, which was now headed by Xenocrates. Even so, a sharp rivalry developed among the three main schools in Athens, the Lyceum, whose students were mainly middle class, the Academy, whose members were from the aristocracy, and the school of Isocrates, whose students were chiefly colonial Greeks. Although the Academy was devoted mainly to mathematics, speculative philosophy, and politics, the Lyceum concentrated on biology and other natural sciences, while Isocrates’ school emphasized rhetoric. Thus, the specialized fields of the three schools eased the rivalry among them with time.

  Alexander’s hunters, games keepers, gardeners and fishermen sent material to Aristotle from all parts of the new Empire. Aristotle also used the money Alexander gave him to hire a thousand men scattered over the expanded Greek world to collect flora and fauna of every land. This plethora of specimens enabled him to construct the first great zoological and botanical gardens the world had ever seen. Aristotle and his successors used this wealth of material for biological research. It is in the science of biology that Aristotle's energy and genius really shone.

  Aristotle instructed his students to gather and coordinate knowledge in every field they were capable of. They studied the customs of foreign peoples, the governments of Greek cities, the habits and internal organs of animals, the type and distribution of plants, and the history of science and philosophy. Aristotle's interests were so varied and universal that his works, which probably numbered in the thousands, comprised a library of their own. They were grouped into the works on logic, science, aesthetics, and philosophy, which included ethics, politics, and metaphysics. Aristotle was the first after Euripides to compile a library, and in fact, developed the principles of library classification.

  To Aristotle's reputation as the most brilliant of Plato's students and the tutor of the conqueror of the Persian Empire was added his unequaled respect as Athens’ genius scientist and philosopher. His repute was recognized throughout the Greek world. But just as prophets are reviled in their own cities, so sometimes are philosophers, especially in Athens. Love and admiration for Aristotle was not shared among the common people and those that supported Athenian patriotism.

  Two men were discussing politics as they approached an open area in front of the Temple to Apollo in the heart of Athens. "It is a bitter taste in my mouth that we must grovel under the shadow of Macedonian rule. Alexander wants us to accept him as a god. That’s ridiculous. I’ll never consider him divine. He’s the son of a barbarian king."

  "Now that Aristotle has returned to Athens he adds his support for his former pupil," said the other. "and he has a considerable reputational over the Greek world. But there is no love for him among many in Athens, because he defends Alexander.”

  "What is that statue they’re erecting on the pedestal in front of the Temple?" interrupted the first.

  "I noticed them building a pedestal, and now they’re unveiling a statue. You think it’s Apollo? No, the head is fairly bald and there is a beard."

  "It’s Aristotle!" exclaimed someone else in the crowd. "That traitor."

  Some in the crowd started to shout at the workmen and threaten them. They quickly finished their work, picked up their tools and left the grumbling, angry crowd.

  "Demosthenes is right. How much longer do we have to tolerate the Macedonians? We don't have Alexander himself to vent our anger at, but we have a statue that he erected. Aristotle can be our target." He picked up a stone and threw it at the statue. It missed and bounced off the steps of the Temple. "Please excuse me, Apollo, for tossing a stone on the steps of your Temple", he murmured. He turned to his companion. "Let's go before the god gets angry. We will have our revenge on Aristotle some other day."

  * * *

  On a brisk spring morning, as the laurel and oak trees were bursting with new growth, Aristotle was discussing the basic political nature of men as he and his students strolled leisurely around the botanical gardens. Every now and then Aristotle would point out a particularly interesting plant and describe its source and characteristics.

  "You have taught us, Master, how men should behave, that they should seek happiness, and that they should be educated. But what is the best form of government that a state should have for the happiness and well-being of its citizens?"

  "That is a good question, Eucliedes. I have thought much about that subject and will put it down in a book. However, it approaches the lunch hour, and I must leave our discussions for now. This afternoon, as a matter of fact, I will address a group of interested men on my thoughts concerning government. You're all invited to come and listen."

  Aristotle was conservative by nature, having been reared in the court of a king, been the teacher of an emperor, and married to a woman of wealth. However, he was honestly conservative emotionally because he had personally witnessed the conflicts and disasters that had come from Athenian democracy. As a typical scholar and man of science, he prized order, peace, and security. He said that in general the habit of lightly changing laws is an evil that may not be immediately recognized but may reveal itself later under other circumstances.

  The announcement had been spread through the city that Aristotle was going to speak his thoughts on government. It was well known that he supported the Macedonians, and that he was critical of Athenian democracy. However, many men of all political persuasions came to hear what the man of philosophy and science would say. For, even if a citizen disagreed with his politics, they admired Aristotle for his mind. After Plato, he was considered the most brilliant thinker that Athens had produced.

  The audience exceeded Aristotle's expectations and the session had to be moved to the largest of the buildings. Even so, the excess of citizens and students spilled outside under the pillars and down the steps. "I am flattered that you have come to hear me and pleased that you are interested in what I have to say about politics and the state. As the science of ethics is about individual happiness, so the science of politics is about society’s happiness. The function of the state and its government is to organize a society for the greatest happiness of the greatest number of its people. Man is by nature a social and therefore a political animal. A person is not born into a void, but into a society already organized.

  "What are these societies and what are their types of government? Which ones are best? I and my students have collected the constitutions of one hundred and fifty-eight Greek cities and have studied them. I have divided them into three types: monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy, that is, government by power, by birth, and by excellence. Any of these may be good at any given time and place, though one may be preferable over others."

  An older man in the front row asked the question. "Isn't democracy the best government? Athens was at the height of its power when the Assembly held power under Pericles."

  "That is partly true, Paeonias. But Athens also was defeated and lost its empire twice under the Assembly. Let me compare the three systems of government. First, there is monarchy in which there is a single ruler with all the power. This can be the best form of government if the monarch is good, able and wise. It can also be the worst tyranny if he is selfish, stupid or power-hungry. In practice, this is usually the worst government, since great power and great virtue are seldom held in common.

  "An aristocracy in which governing power is held in hereditary families can be beneficial but in time will deteriorate. Noble character may be high in one or two individuals of a family, and then degenerate in later generations into foolishness, selfishness or insanity. The trouble with hereditary power is that there is no economic base. As the new rich gain more and more wealth, political power goes to the highest bidder. This makes wealth more important than ability and the whole state becomes avaricious. The government then becomes an oligarchy, ruled by the wealthy few.

  "Democracy, that is government by the common citizen, may be just as dangerous as oligarchy. It is usually the result of rebellion against a plutocracy or oligarchy. This temporary victory of the
poor over the rich in the struggle for power often leads to chaos and strife for the state. Democracy is at its best when dominated by peasant farmers, and at its worst by a landless urban rabble. When a democracy is dominated by the lower classes, the rich are taxed or provide money for the poor, who continually want more, because they do not produce any wealth of their own. Continually giving more money to them is like pouring water into a sieve."

  "Yet, Aristotle, a wise conservative will not let people starve. That is inhumane. It is not virtuous," said another in the audience.

  "That is very true, Empedecas. The true patriot in a democracy should see that the people are not too poor, but all have sufficient wealth. This is also advantageous to the rich, who then would not fear violence or confiscation.

  "However, and this is the most important point, government requires special ability and knowledge. I would not want to have judges who were not knowledgeable of the law. How can a laborer or tradesmen or hired servant be able to acquire excellence or training or good judgment? All men are created unequal, gentlemen, whatever anyone says to the contrary. They may be equal under the laws, however. Equality is just, but only between equals. The upper or lower classes will rebel, if an inequality is enforced or is extreme. Democracy on the whole is inferior to aristocracy."

  "You only say that, Aristotle because you are of the aristocratic class", yelled one from the rear. "Are you saying these things because you don’t think that people are capable of governing themselves? Don't you trust the people?"

  "I say it because I distrust the uninformed masses. Democracy is based on the false notion that those who are equal in respect to the law feel they are equal in all respects, that because they are equally free, they are absolutely equal. The result of this is that their numbers can be manipulated by orators and demagogues. Because the people are so easily misled and fickle in their opinions, the ballot should be limited. The citizens who are allowed to vote should be intelligent and at least be able to read our language."

  "If, as you say, all these forms of government have their weaknesses, what form do you think is best? Do you propose anarchy?"

  "What we need is a combination of the best parts of aristocracy and democracy. We can achieve this with a constitutional government. The best practical constitution is a rule by the middle-class."

  "Why the middle-class, Aristotle? Is it because you distrust the rich as much as you despise the poor?" This came from a wealthy landowner who supported the Patriotic Party.

  "My friends, it is not only because the middle-class is that moderation between the poles of rich and poor, it is because it possesses some property and is likely to follow a middle course. It avoids extremes and resists radical change. The middle-class is more likely than either the rich or the poor to be guided by reason and what is best for the state. Middle-class rule will give stability and a rational control. It is the golden mean between a democracy and an aristocracy.

  “In all the state governments we have examined, those that were the most stable and prosperous were the ones in which the middle-class outnumbered the rich and poor. Whenever the middle-class was small, either the rich or the poor over-powered them and gained control. Whenever the rich or the poor gain power, neither will establish a free state.

  "Those qualified to rule should be male, own property, and have at least a modest education. The state then will be sufficiently democratic if the path to office is open to all, and sufficiently aristocratic, if the offices are restricted to those who are fully qualified and have traveled the road of experience and are prepared."

  Aristocus, a friend of Demosthenes, rose and shouted, "Those are very sound arguments and pretty phrases, Aristotle, but you do not support in practice what you preach in theory. You support the Macedonian Party in our city, which is an oligarchy imposed upon us by a foreign king. Our Assembly is helpless, and the people have no voice. You are a hypocrite."

  "It is true that I favor a party that has brought peace and prosperity to Athens. I favor no oligarchy, but I yearn for stability. I gladly relinquish some personal freedom to gain security, and so should you. It is the whimsical opinions of the unwashed masses that can be swayed by the likes of Demosthenes that I most fear."

  "You should fear the revenge of the people more if your Macedonian Party ever loses control," Aristocus replied. Many men rose and started to speak and yell, raising their fists at Aristotle.

  Aristotle spoke out, "My lecture is concluded. You are free to discuss among you or with me afterward any questions you might have." He turned to some of his friends nearby. "Please stay close to me and see that some of those who hate my politics are not tempted to advance their argument by thrusting a knife between my ribs."

  When he heard that Callisthenes died after Alexander imprisoned him. He lost confidence in Alexander and stop supporting him. However, the Athenians still considered him a proponent of Macedonian rule. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, Aristotle's safety was threatened.

  Chapter 32

  The magnetism of Alexander's personality had kept his far-flung empire together, but after his death, it began to fall apart almost immediately. For many years the generals and successors jostled each other for power. Antipater, who was left as the commander in Macedon and Greece, continued to rule it. Lysimachus ruled Thrace, and Antigonus Asia Minor, Ptolemy held Egypt, but the Empire in theory was held together by Perdiccas and Craterus in Babylon. The conquests in India went back to local rulers. Alexander's successors had been Macedonian leaders and generals who ruled by personal power and the sword. They dismissed democracy as an ignorant and corrupt way to govern. They continued to strive with one another for territory.

  The Greeks of the mother country were aware of their increase in trade and opportunities for immigration for the poorer classes. Most, however, chafed under Macedonian rule and rejoiced that the successors of Alexander were occupied with fighting each other. Their memories of civil strife and warfare between city-states had faded, while older memories of the Athenian Empire were revived.

  During Alexander's victories and conquest of the Persian Empire, Demosthenes' fortunes had not fared well. In the year before Alexander's death an accusation of accepting a large bribe was brought against him.

  "What, another accusation?" Demosthenes exploded. ”My enemies have done this before, and I have beaten them."

  "This time it may not be so easy," said his friend, Hyperiedes. “I have the indictment here. The Macedonian authorities insist that you be imprisoned until your trial."

  "They're afraid that I'll flee from Athens."

  "They know that you will continue to cause trouble for them."

  "And they're right. Athens and Greece must be free from the Macedonians."

  "But you have to be realistic, my friend. The Macedonian Party in Athens has all the power. They will probably have you convicted."

  "You're probably right," Demosthenes admitted. "Then they'll have me executed. Even if the jury doesn't convict me, they'll have me assassinated. I must find a way to escape."

  "I'll ask our friends to try to get you out of prison. Don't despair."

  While Demosthenes was imprisoned, Aristocus and other members of the Patriotic Party bribed the guards. At night they met him at the prison gate. "Thank you so much, my friends," the orator and political leader was relieved. "You have saved my life."

  "You aren't safe yet," one of the party said. "Here is some food and money. You must flee tonight and find a safe place to hide."

  When his enemies found that Demosthenes had fled, they were glad to be free of his acid tongue, even if they were cheated from his execution. Their relief was short-lived, for within months, the news of Alexander's death reached Greece.

  In Greek city after city revolts arose against the Macedonians. In Athens the Patriotic Party led the way. "Out with the hated Macedonians," they chanted.

  "The Thebans, who escaped the destruction of their city have beseiged the Macedonian garrison o
n the Cadmeia," said one of the leaders of the Athenians. "We must force out the Macedonian Party."

  The Athenian's feasted and wore garlands celebrating Alexander's death. They lined the streets and shouted insults at the fleeing Macedonians and their supporters. Many spat at them or threw rotten vegetables. “You are fortunate that we don't kill you," one man shouted as he threw an egg.

  A member of the Macedonian Party ducked from the egg, but was hit by some fruit. "These Athenians are singing victory songs. You would think they had vanquished Alexander themselves."

  His fellow replied, "It won't be long that their victory songs will change to dirges of defeat. Antipater will return to Greece with his army."

  Demosthenes had been in exile nine months, when Aristocus called the leaders of the Patriotic Party together. "We have control of Athens now, but old Antipater will come and try to reestablish Macedonian power. I propose that we call Demosthenes back to Athens. We need his leadership, and he can help us gather allies."

  * * *

  Aristotle's life had become very complicated after the death of his nephew, Callisthenes. He angrily reproved his former pupil for Callisthenes' death. Alexander flippantly replied to Aristotle's protest that it was within his power as a god-king to put even philosophers to death. This certainly made more complex Aristotle’s defense of Macedonian rule to the Athenians. It was not that he favored Macedon, but because he felt that peace and Greek unification would be a fertile ground for culture and science to flourish.

  The patriotic fervor following Alexander's death, swept away all supporters of Greek unity under Macedon in favor of Greek solidarity in rebellion. Aristotle was caught up in the Athenian backlash. After the Macedonian Party fled the city, Aristotle was defenseless. The chief priest of one of the temples of Athens brought charges of impiety against him. "I charge him with teaching that prayers and sacrifices to the gods are useless. He said that they were of no avail in either bringing fortune or preventing misfortune. This blasphemy undermines all the Greek religion. It is against all our tradition and practice. How can anyone believe that we cannot propitiate the gods? It is the teaching of an atheist. I can support this accusation by citing passages from his own books. They will be his own witnesses against him. Socrates was also accused of impiety by corrupting the religious beliefs of the youth. He taught them to question everything, especially our own teachings about the gods." The judges brought an indictment of impiety against Aristotle and scheduled him for trial.