Lets Kill Gandhi

by Gandhi, Tushar A.

  FRIDAY, 9 JANUARY 1948

  In Poona, Apte told Badge that Karkare and a couple of other people would inspect and purchase the arms.

  At about 8.30 pm, three people along with Karkare were introduced to Badge at Shastra Bhandar. One of them was Madanlal Pahwa who told the others that he knew how to handle the explosives. After inspecting the weapons they left.

  SATURDAY, 10 JANUARY 1948

  Apte went to Shastra Bhandar, and at about 10 am he took Badge to the Hindu Rashtra office. There, in the presence of Godse, Apte asked Badge to supply them with two revolvers, two gun cotton slabs with primers and fuses and five hand grenades. Badge said he did not have revolvers but could immediately supply the gun cotton slabs and hand grenades. It was agreed that Badge would try and get the revolvers and deliver everything to the Hindu Mahasabha office at Dadar in Bombay, by the evening of 14 January.

  SUNDAY 11 JANUARY 1948

  In Bombay, Madanlal Pahwa and Vishnu Karkare visited the residence of Dr. J.C. Jain. Madanlal knew Jain since the time he had been living as a refugee in the Chembur refugee camp in north-east Bombay. After spending a few minutes catching up with each other, Madanlal told Jain that he was going to leave for Delhi soon on an important mission. Without elaborating, they left, with Madanlal promising to meet the professor before leaving for Delhi.

  MONDAY 12 JANUARY 1948

  In Delhi, Gandhi had a meeting over tea with the governor general of independent India and its last viceroy, Lord Louis Mountbatten. The latter was very worried about the deteriorating communal situation in the entire north-west. As more and more refugees from West Punjab poured into Delhi and its outskirts, the government was finding it increasingly difficult to meet the demands for housing, warm clothing, food and potable water.

  Muslims driven out of their homes had taken refuge in overflowing refugee camps in Chandni Chowk and the Jama Masjid areas, compounding the crisis. Hindu and Sikh refugees were demanding that the homes vacated by the Muslims should be given to them. People who had been left behind to guard the homes of Muslims were either driven out or killed by Hindu refugees and the homes forcibly occupied. Mosques were captured, idols of Hindu deities were installed and declared to be 'liberated' Hindu temples. This was an old Hindu Mahasabha-RSS tactic. The situation in Delhi was becoming more volatile with the spreading of stories of the atrocities committed on Hindu refugees in West Pakistan. The RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, both of which had done nothing to prevent the partition, had now swung into action and were spreading stories of torture, rape, abduction, murder and forcible conversion of Hindus in Pakistan. The Muslim League was equally active in spreading the hatred. Ever since the 'Direct Action Day' called by Jinnah on 15 August 1946, which was very brutally conducted by the storm troopers of the Muslim League, the massacre of Hindus in Muslim-dominated parts of India had been unparalleled, which had fanned the Hindu backlash to a great extent.

  Mountbatten was worried. He knew that if Delhi were to go up in flames, India would be lost. He had seen the miracle performed in Calcutta and East Bengal by the man he often described as the 'Little Sparrow' and his 'One Man Peace-Keeping Force'. He hoped that Gandhi would perform another miracle to save Delhi and had decided to recruit his services at this meeting. However, there was another problem. Under the terms of Partition, India and Pakistan were to get a proportional share of the cash balance of undivided India. Of the cash balance of Rs. 3,750 million, Rs. 200 million was paid to Pakistan on the day of the transfer of power. After hectic negotiations by the Partition Committee, of which both Nehru and Patel were members, it was decided that Pakistan would be paid a further Rs. 55 crores; this was ratified by a treaty signed by Nehru and Patel with their Pakistani counterparts. Now Pakistan, on the verge of bankruptcy, was demanding the balance payment. Patel and Nehru felt that the payment should be withheld till the Kashmir issue was resolved. One suggestion was that the money not be paid at all but be used instead to resettle refugees.

  Refusal to part with the balance amount would have been illegal. It would have also branded India as an untrustworthy country, which did not honour its treaties and commitments. If Pakistan dragged India to an arbitrator, India would be sure to lose. Mountbatten was India's governor general, but his loyalties were to the British throne; as the head of the government he would be party to any act by the Indian government. He did not want to be responsible for this deceit.

  At the meeting with Gandhi, Mountbatten started by discussing the deteriorating communal situation in the capital and his fears of the situation exploding into a civil war. Gandhi, who had been getting reports of the situation and had been interacting with Muslims and Hindus, was perturbed; he was slowly beginning to realise that he would have to offer himself as a sacrifice to save the situation. He assured Mountbatten that he would soon take steps to see that the situation was not allowed to get out of hand. As Gandhi rose to leave, Mountbatten voiced his concern over the issue of payment to Pakistan. Gandhi listened to what he had to say about India's stand and its unsustainability as well its moral implications. He shook his head in displeasure and left.

  That evening, at his prayer meeting, Gandhi dwelt on his concerns over the situation in the capital and the plight of the refugees. Muslim homes were being forcibly occupied and he sympathised with the plight of the homeless refugees. It was the duty of the government to provide housing. There was also the case of mosques being occupied and Hindu idols being installed in them. This was not the way he wanted his countrymen to behave, he said, and declared that he would be starting a fast unto death.

  In Poona, the news of Gandhi's decision to fast was heard by two men sitting in the office of the Hindu Rashtra in Shaniwar Peth, a dense locality of old Poona —the editor and publisher of the Hindu Rashtra, Nathuram and Apte. The two hotheads of the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha decided that Gandhi's interference in the working of the Government of India was intolerable. If this man was not stopped, they thought, he would do irreparable damage to the fabric of the Hindu nation of their dreams. Apte looked at Nathuram and said, 'This is a good excuse for murdering Gandhi. The atmosphere is conducive and since we have Savarkar's blessings we are assured of getting backing and support. Our people are ready, this time we will definitely suceed.' Nathuram looked up at Apte, his eyes reflecting no emotion, and said, 'We must kill Gandhi this time.' They had tried earlier and failed, but this time they would not. This time they had support. They had a plan and the means to succeed. They had been looking to do something to reassure their financiers about their commitment to the Hindu supremacist cause. Their credibility with those who had been funding their anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan plans was at its lowest; time and again they had promised much but failed to deliver.

  TUESDAY, 13 JANUARY 1948

  At Birla House in Delhi, Gandhi started his fast at 11.55 am with the singing of 'Vaishnava jana to tene kahiye' 'Call him a true man of God who...' He was surrounded by members of his entourage and the Birla family.

  Those who had watched Gandhi closely since his return in September to the 'city of the dead', as Delhi had come to be known, testified that never had he appeared as cheerful as he had after the commencement of the fast. This was the first time, in the long history of his fasts, that Gandhi did not insist on his close aides leaving to take up their predetermined responsibilities. It was as if he had sensed that there was going to be a crisis during which he would require the presence of those he trusted. On a previous occasion, when he started a twenty-one day fast while staying with the Ali brothers, they asked him if it wasn't a breach of loyalty that he was going on a fast without consulting them. He replied, 'Have we not all pledged our loyalty to God? How can I then be guilty of disloyalty to anyone by keeping my covenant with God?' This time his friends knew better. Nehru and Patel were not going to insist on his abandoning the fast. As a matter of fact, Patel was upset with Gandhi's decision and Nehru was reluctant to take the lead in trying to help meet his conditions for ending the fast. Patel only sent a
message before leaving for Ahmedabad and Bombay that he would do anything that Gandhi wished.

  When asked by a Sikh friend, who he held responsible for his fast, Gandhi said he blamed no individual or community in particular. But he did feel that if the Hindus and Sikhs insisted on turning out the Muslims from Delhi, they would be betraying India and their own faith. His was an 'all-inclusive fast', directed against nobody in particular and yet addressed to the conscience of all. 'If all groups or even one of them responds fully,' he said, 'I know the miracle will be achieved. For instance, if the Sikhs respond to my appeal as one man, I shall be wholly satisfied. I shall go and then live in their midst in Punjab. I know they are a brave people and can set an example of the non-violence of the brave which will blaze the path for all the rest.'

  Sheikh Abdullah, the prime minister of Kashmir, was visiting Delhi with his deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed at the time. They requested Gandhi to end his fast 'for the sake of Kashmir. Kashmir needs you now more than ever'. Gandhi told them that his fast was intended to cover Kashmir too. Maulana Azad, a close friend and associate, intervened and said, 'Even if we are to dash our heads against a stone wall, his resolve, once taken, won't be given up. To argue further with him is only to prolong his agony. The only thing for us to do is to begin thinking what we can do to fulfil his conditions which alone will induce him to give up his fast.' A deputation of Hindu and Sikh refugees came to meet him next. He told them that it was in their hands to make him terminate his fast. 'You should be able to give the assurance that even if the rest of India goes up in a blaze, Delhi will be safe. If you do not pay heed to my words now, you will all weep and wring your hands in sorrow afterwards.'

  Ironically, on the day Gandhi started his fast, Lord and Lady Mountbatten were hosting a reception at Government House. Some people from Gandhi's retinue were also invited. They were unsure whether to go, but Gandhi convinced them otherwise. 'Mountbatten will probably want to discuss the fast with you,' he told Pyarelal. 'It would be worthwhile getting his reaction first-hand. In any case, you will be able to report whether any drinks were served at the function!'

  On meeting Pyarelal at the function, Mountbatten immediately said, 'I have only one criticism to make. He should have discussed it first with Pandit Nehru.' That day shocking news had come in from Pakistan. A train bringing Hindu and Sikh refugees from the Northwest Frontier Province had been attacked at the Gujarat railway station in West Punjab. A large number of passengers had been massacred and women had been abducted. Referring to this incident Mountbatten remarked, 'It makes Mr. Gandhi's task more difficult. But his victory will be all the greater for it.' When Pyarelal reported the conversation, Gandhi said, 'Have I not often said, that one must be a great warrior to fully appreciate the power that is non-violence?' Quoting the Gujarati poet Pritam he said,'Harino marag che shoorano, nahin kaayarnu kaam jo', 'The path of the Lord is for the brave, not for cowards'. At the evening prayers he declared that he would break his fast only when conditions in Delhi permitted the withdrawal of the military and the police without any danger to peace.

  In Poona, Nathuram Godse made changes to his life insurance policies. He nominated Champutai Apte, Narayan Apte's wife, as the beneficiary on a policy of Rs. 2,000 which was attested by Apte as a witness.

  The final preparations by the gang had begun.

  WEDNESDAY, 14 JANUARY 1948

  In Delhi, as in other parts of the country, the festival of Makar Sankranti was being celebrated. In Maharashtra, people exchange sweets made from gur, (unrefined sugar) and sesame seeds. Prema Kantak, a Congress socialist, sent some homemade tilgul to Gandhi on the second day of his fast, who distributed it amongst the people present at Birla House. One day into his fast, Gandhi was being criticised by certain segments. Some people alleged that Gandhi had sympathy only for Muslims and had undertaken the fast for their sake. He answered that in a way they were right. All his life he had stood up for minorities. The formation of Pakistan had deprived the Muslims of their pride and self-confidence, weakening the foundations of the state. But his fast was against the Muslims too, in the sense that it should enable them to stand up to their Hindu and Sikh brethren. To a maulana from Delhi, who a few days back had said that they should be given a safe passage to England, he said, 'I had no answer to give you then. I can now face you. Shall I ask the government to arrange a passage for you to England? I shall say to them: "Here are the unfaithful Muslims who want to desert India. Give them the facility they want".' The maulana apologised and Gandhi retorted, 'That would be like the Englishman, who kicks you and at the same time goes on saying "I beg your pardon".' On a more serious note he added, 'Do you not feel ashamed asking to be sent to England? And then you said that slavery under British rule was better than independence under the Union of India. How dare you, who claim to be patriots and nationalists, utter such words? You have to cleanse your hearts and learn to be cent per cent truthful. Otherwise India will not tolerate you for long and even I shall not be able to help you.'

  The Cabinet met on the lawns of Birla House that afternoon and decided to reconsider their decision to withhold payment of the balance amount of Rs. 55 crores to Pakistan. This angered certain sections of Indian society. Although displeased with the Cabinet's decision to withhold payment, Gandhi had never once said in any of his announcements that it was one of the conditions for him to end his fast.

  During that evening's prayer meeting, Gandhi spoke about the massacre of refugees at Gujarat in West Pakistan, and Hindus and Sikhs at Karachi. 'How long can the Union put up with such things? How long can I bank upon the patience of the Hindus and Sikhs in spite of my fast? Pakistan has to put a stop to this state of affairs. They must pledge themselves that they will not rest till the Hindus and Sikhs return and live in safety in Pakistan. Pakistan will become pak [pure] ... past things will have been forgotten, past distinctions will have been buried, the least and smallest in Pakistan will command the same respect and the same protection of life and property as the Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah enjoys. Such a Pakistan can never die. Then and till then shall I repent that I ever called it a sin, as I am afraid I must hold today, it is. I want to live to see the Pakistan not on paper, not in the oration of Pakistani orators, but in the daily life of every Pakistani Muslim. Then the inhabitants of the Union will forget that there ever was any enmity between them and if I am not mistaken, the Union will proudly copy Pakistan and if I am alive I shall ask her to excel Pakistan in well-doing. The fast is a bid for nothing less. Who would not risk sacrificing his life for the realisation of such a dream? Then we shall have real swaraj. Then though legally and geographically we may still be two states, in daily life no one will think that we are separate. I remember to have read ... in the Delhi Fort ... when I visited it in 1896, a verse on one of the gates which when translated reads: "If there is paradise on earth, it is here, it is here". I would love to see that verse with justice inscribed on the gates of Pakistan.'

  That night some Sikh refugees from West Punjab held a demonstration outside Birla House. They were angry that Gandhi was demanding that they vacate the homes they had captured by driving out Muslim inhabitants. They shouted in anger,'Khoon ka badla khoon', 'Blood will be avenged with blood, an eye for an eye' and 'Marta hai to marne do, hame ghar do', 'If he is dying, let him die, give us homes' and 'Gandhi ko marne do', 'let Gandhi die'. Nehru, who was just leaving Birla House after a meeting, jumped out of his car and, trembling with rage, rushed at the demonstrators shouting, 'Who dares to shout "Let Gandhi die"? Let him who dares, repeat those words in my presence. He will have to kill me first.' The demonstrators dispersed in the face of Nehru's ire.

  Inside his darkened room Gandhi asked, 'What are they shouting?'

  'They are shouting "let Gandhi die".'

  'How many are they?'

  'Not many.'

  Gandhi sighed, and as was his habit, started repeating the name of Lord Rama.

  Ever since the Calcutta killings of August 1946, Gandhi had been telling Muslim
s that, if they continued to sit on the fence instead of courageously denouncing the excesses of their co-religionists, even at the risk of their lives, or if they harboured secret sympathy with the perpetrators of those excesses, it would bring down upon them the wrath of those with whom—Pakistan or no Pakistan—the bulk of them must live. But his warnings had largely fallen upon deaf ears with the unfortunate result that the Indian Muslims, having allowed the proverbial wind to be sown, were now faced with the prospect of having to reap the whirlwind. At the commencement of his fast he had told a group of maulanas, who came to request him to reverse his decision, that if happenings like the recent massacre of the Hindu and Sikh refugees on the train in Gujarat continued unchecked, 'Even ten Gandhis would not be able to save the Indian Muslims.'

  In Poona, Nathuram made changes to his second life insurance policy. He nominated Sindhutai Godse, his younger brother Gopal Godse's wife, as the beneficiary to a policy of Rs. 3,000.

  That afternoon Apte and Godse left for Bombay by the Deccan Express. The train left Poona at 4.30 pm. They were seated in the second class compartment. Badge, disguised as a sadhu, accompanied by his servant Shankar Kistayya carrying the explosives and detonators, travelled by the same train, sitting in the crowded third class compartment.

  Apte saw a pretty lady looking for a window seat. He chivalrously offered her his seat and shifted to the one opposite her, next to Godse. The young lady was Shanta Modak, a film actress popularly known as Bimba. Narayan chatted with her throughout the four-hour trip to Bombay.