Lets Kill Gandhi

by Gandhi, Tushar A.

  At Gandhi's request the armed guards positioned outside the Hydari Mansion were removed from the midnight of 15 August, and young volunteers stood there instead, both Hindus and Muslims in equal numbers.

  As the clock struck twelve, a loud cheer went up. India was free! The whole nation erupted with joy, but the one man who had spearheaded the battle for independence for the past three decades was fast asleep on the floor of a darkened room in a dilapidated mansion in one of Calcutta's filthiest localities. In New Delhi, the men he had groomed to take on the responsibility of shepherding India through its infancy, were busy with a ceremony which rivalled, in its pomp and pageantry, the great durbars held by the Raj during its century-long enslavement of India.

  That morning, Gandhi woke up at two, an hour earlier than usual. The day also marked the fifth death anniversary of his close companion and secretary of twenty-five years Mahadev Desai. Gandhi observed the anniversary in his usual way by fasting and recitation from the Gita after the morning prayers.

  In the exuberance of independence a large Crowd invaded Government House, the governor's residence. For the many years of enslavement it had been a symbol of British might, a place forbidden to the common man of India. Now in their euphoria they forgot that C. Rajagopalachari, 'Rajaji', the incumbent, was a representative of their own government; the governor of West Bengal was made a virtual prisoner until the mob was forced out by the police and military.

  Nearly 30,000 people gathered for the evening prayers on Independence Day. The ground adjacent to Hydari Mansion was choked with people. Gandhi congratulated the citizens of Calcutta on the unity they had achieved and displayed that day. He felt sure that the example they had set would affect the Punjab and other parts of India. He warned the people to use their freedom with wise restraint. They were bound to treat Europeans, who stayed in India, with the same regard as they would expect for themselves.

  A letter Gandhi wrote on 15 August to one of his European admirers, Agatha Harrison, mentioned how he had celebrated that day: 'You know my way of celebrating great events such as today's, is to thank God for it and therefore to pray. This prayer must be accompanied by a fast. And as a mark of identification with the poor and dedication there must be spinning. Hence I must not be satisfied with the spinning I do everyday but must do as much as is possible in consistence with my other appointments.'

  In another letter to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, he wrote: 'I am in a Muslim house. They are all very good. I have taken no one from Sodepore Ashram. Hence the help I need comes only from Muslim friends. This is not for me a new experience. It reminds me of old days in South Africa and the Khilafat days here. For the moment I am no enemy. Who knows how long this will last! Hindus and Muslims have become friends practically in a day. Suhrawardy has become transformed, so it looks.'

  Rajaji came to meet Gandhi after being freed from the besieged Government House. As a mark of respect he removed his sandals at the entrance and walked barefoot across the entire length of the hall. Apart from being old colleagues who had maintained their friendship though they had differing political ideologies, the two were also bound by marriage: Gandhi's youngest son Devdas was married to Rajaji's daughter Laxmi.

  Nearly fifty thousand people gathered for the evening prayers on 16 August, and on the 17th there was a crowd of nearly a hundred thousand. While addressing them Gandhi wondered how much of their enthusiasm was genuine. He said, 'Everybody is showering congratulations on me for the miracle Calcutta is witnessing. Let us all thank God for His abundant mercy. But let us not, in this pardonable exuberance, forget that there are isolated spots in Calcutta, where all is not well. I have heard that in one place the Hindus are not prepared to welcome back the Muslim residents who were obliged to leave their homes.... I appreciate your overflowing affection, but I hope it will not prove to be a momentary ebullition.'

  Referring to the large number of Hindus and Muslims at the prayer meetings everyday, Suhrawardy said no one could have imagined that a meeting of the two communities in such numbers was possible in Calcutta. He said in the Park Circus area, a predominantly Muslim locality, Hindus were already taking possession of their abandoned homes. He added that he would show the world that no differences existed between them.

  However, Gandhi could sense that trouble was brewing. In a letter written to Mirabehn on 18 August, Gandhi mentioned the doubts that assailed him: 'The joy of the crowd is there but not in me is any satisfaction. Anything lacking in me? Hindu-Muslim unity seems to be too sudden to be true. They ascribe the transformation to me. I wonder! Probably things would have been like this even if I had not been on the scene. Time will show'. The first indication of the trouble Gandhi foretold came that very day. It was the Muslim festival of Eid. A large number of Muslims came to visit Gandhi from early morning. As it was the day of his weekly silence, Gandhi wrote out a short message greeting them. In the afternoon, he got news about trouble in Barrackpore, fourteen miles north of Calcutta: trouble had erupted over a procession which had been taken out the previous day. Gandhi visited Barrackpore late in the afternoon, by which time the trouble had subsided; the episode ended in the two communities embracing each other.

  That evening Gandhi was given a report of another incident that had occurred in Kanchrapara, an industrial area twenty-six miles to the north of Calcutta. The incident related to music being played outside a mosque while namaaz was being offered. The police had to resort to firing to control the mob, resulting in the death of several people. Gandhi visited Kanchrapara on the 19th, and referring to the unfortunate incident he suggested that, until the Congress and the Muslim League or the prime ministers of India and Pakistan came to a different agreement, the practice in regard to playing of music in the vicinity of mosques, often under compulsion, should be freely and voluntarily followed in both the states as had been the practice during the British regime.

  There was tension in certain areas for another reason. A mix up had occurred because Bengal was divided twice: once under the notional division and then by the Boundary Commission's award. Under the former, the Hindu majority districts of Khulna and Chittagong Hill tracts were included in West Bengal and the Muslim majority district of Murshidabad, in East Bengal. The Boundary Commission's award reversed this. In these areas, Independence Day had been celebrated according to the notional division. On this being reversed, and the border redrawn according to the Boundary Commission's award, the national flags flying in these districts since Independence Day were the wrong ones. This had led to some hostility in the areas. The matter was referred to Gandhi who said that there should not be the slightest hesitation in replacing the flags. Personally he was of the opinion that— as the two states were on friendly terms with one another—there was no reason why the two flags could not be displayed. 'Even if they in Pakistan don't, we in the Indian Union should. Let us do the correct thing irrespective of what the other party does.'

  With every passing day, the attendance at the evening prayer meeting increased. On 21 August, at the meeting held at Park Circus, more than seven hundred thousand people were present. Flags of the Indian Union and Pakistan were flown alongside. Referring to this, Gandhi remarked that he could now proceed to Noakhali.

  On 27 August, Gandhi held his prayer meeting at Kidderpur dock area; the presence of a large labouring population in this area had converted it into a potential flash point for future trouble. In his post prayer speech to the labourers, he observed that the future of labour was closely interlinked with communal harmony. Labour would become invincible when it realised its strength and learnt the art of combination. That could not happen if the workers discriminated against a Hindu employer and a Muslim one, or if the Hindu segment of labour regarded itself separate from the Muslim segment of labour, and both from the Harijan section.

  The 'miracle of Calcutta' as it was being referred to, was having its effect in other parts of the country. A telephone message from Patna informed Gandhi that the Calcutta miracle was having a profound effe
ct on Bihar too. This news delighted him. On 24 August, the Muslim League party in the Constituent Assembly of the Indian Union passed a resolution expressing, 'Its deep sense of appreciation of the services rendered by Mahatma Gandhi to the cause of restoration of peace and goodwill between the communities in Calcutta and saving hundreds of innocent lives and property from destruction. By his ceaseless efforts in the maintenance of peace he has shown breadth of vision and large-heartedness. The Muslim League sincerely trusts that Mr. Suhrawardy and other Muslims will continue to cooperate with him and show their appreciation of his laudable efforts'.

  In an article titled 'Miracle or Accident?', published in Harijan, Gandhi wrote: 'Shaheed Suhrawardy and I are living together in Beliaghata where Muslims have been reported to be sufferers. We are living in a Muslim house and Muslim volunteers are attending to our comforts with the greatest attention. Here in the compound numberless Hindus and Muslims continue to stream in shouting the favourite slogans. One might almost say that the joy of fraternisation is leaping up from hour to hour.... Is this to be called a miracle or an accident? By whatever name it may be described, it is quite clear that the credit that is being given to me from all sides is quite undeserved; nor can it be said to be deserved by Shaheed. This sudden upheaval is not the work of one or two men. We are toys in the hands of God. He makes us dance to His tune. The utmost, therefore, that man can do is to refrain from interfering with the dance and that he should tender full obedience to his Maker's will. Thus considered, it can be said that in this miracle He has used us two as His instruments and as far as for myself I only ask whether the dream of my youth is to be realised in the evening of my life.'

  People were convinced, however, that the peace in Calcutta was brought about by one man's presence. Lord Mountbatten wrote to Gandhi: 'In the Punjab we have 55,000 soldiers and large scale rioting on our hands. In Bengal our force consists of one man, and there is no rioting. As a serving officer as well as an administrator, may I be allowed to pay my tributes to the One-Man Boundary Force, not forgetting his Second in Command, Mr. Suhrawardy. You should have heard the enthusiastic applause which greeted the mention of your name in the Constituent Assembly on the 15th of August, when all of us were thinking so much of you'. Ignoring the compliments and seizing the challenge, Gandhi replied to Mountbatten: 'I do not know if Shaheed and I can legitimately appropriate the compliments you pay us. Probably suitable conditions were ready for us to take the credit for what appears to have been a magical performance. Am I right in gathering from your letter that you would like me to try the same thing for the Punjab?'

  What Mountbatten had written about the Punjab was tragically true. After its division, both sides of Punjab, the Pakistani West and the Indian East, were in a frenzy of religious hatred, and violence. In West Punjab, Hindus were systematically targeted by a campaign of intimidation, abduction, rape, forcible conversion, arson, looting and murder and were being forced to flee with whatever they could salvage and carry on their person towards Indian territory. In the Indian parts of Punjab, a similar fate befell the Muslims at the hands of Sikhs and Hindus. The deeds of either of the savage mobs precipitated an equal, or many times more, severe retaliation from the other.

  On 17 August, Gandhi had received a very disturbing telegram from Lahore: 'Since Monday a terrible massacre of the Hindus has been in progress in Lahore city, surpassing Rawalpindi. Hundreds of dead are lying strewn on the roads. Anarkali Bazaar and other business quarters have been burnt down. The greater part of the city is in flames. Water supply to Hindu residential quarters has been cut off. The trapped Hindus, who tried to escape, were shot down by the military and the police. More than three hundred Hindus were burnt alive. The Hindus are without food and water. They are threatened with destruction. Do something immediately. Your presence in Lahore is necessary'. Gandhi passed the message to Patel with a comment: 'I have not replied to it. It is terrible if true. Let me know the facts'. Nehru had rushed to the riot-ravaged areas of East Punjab on receiving news of the fresh outrage. On his return to Delhi he wired a message to Gandhi on 21 August, sending him his 'respectful congratulations on the wonderful change in Calcutta' and telling him that the Punjab needed his 'healing presence'. Gandhi replied the following day: 'I have got stuck here. Noakhali demands my presence. Bihar too will take a few days. Under the circumstances I do not know when I shall be able to go to the Punjab. You will guide me', to which Nehru replied: 'I do not ask you to go to the Punjab immediately. We must face the situation now. Later I might request you to go there'. He enclosed a report about the situation in Punjab which was most disturbing: 'The southern districts, which had been free from any major trouble, blew up unexpectedly so far as we were concerned. The districts of Hoshiyarpur and Jullunder especially have witnessed some horrible deeds and large-scale massacre of Muslims. It is quite impossible to form any estimate of people killed. I imagine however, that during the last month the number killed in Eastern Punjab might amount to 7 to 8 thousands. These figures might be completely wrong, as they are guesswork.

  'In Western Punjab probably the number of those killed is much less, may be half the other figure. This, of course applies to recent weeks only and not to the previous Rawalpindi and Multan killings. There has been far more arson and looting in Western Punjab than in Eastern.... All this killing business has reached a stage of complete madness and vast populations are deserting their habitations and trekking to the west or the east. A large number had left Western Punjab in previous months, as you know. Now the process is repeated on both sides.... The present trouble started about three weeks ago in Amritsar rural areas. The Sikhs were the aggressors. Within a week Lahore retaliated, the Muslims being the aggressors. Since then it has spread on both sides, perhaps more so in Eastern Punjab where well armed bands, chiefly Sikh, partly Hindu, had been roaming about and attacking predominantly Muslim villages. Normally Muslims are safe in a village where they are in a minority. Their neighbours do not attack them. Armed bands go specially to Muslim majority villages in Eastern Punjab. Something of this kind happened in Western Punjab too.... It appears that most of the petty Government officials join in this business, including policemen. Sometimes soldiers also. The whole thing is revolting in the extreme'.

  Nehru further added that he had hesitated to write to him about the situation as he did not wish to add to his worries. But now the stage had come when Gandhi needed to know. At present there is no doubt that the Muslim League leaders as well as Sikh leaders are trying to stop the slaughter and arson, having previously lighted the fuse. I have no doubt that we shall put an end to this business within the next few days, at any rate so far as the major events are concerned. But what a terrible legacy! The Punjab will be a ruined Province, both west and east, and vast numbers of human beings will be destitute'.

  Gandhi was receiving updates on the Punjab situation from other sources too. A deputation of Punjabis settled in Calcutta met Gandhi on 24 August and briefed him on the gory events in Punjab. The same day Gandhi wrote to Nehru about what the delegation had told him: 'Punjabis in Calcutta have been pressing me to go to the Punjab at once. They tell me a terrible story. Thousands have been killed! A few thousand girls have been kidnapped! Hindus cannot live in the Pakistan area, nor Muslims in the other portion. Add to this the information that the two wings of the army took sides and worked havoc! Can any of this be true! ... When do you think I should go to the Punjab if at all? I have still work in Calcutta, then in Noakhali and Bihar. But everything can be laid aside to go to the Punjab if it is proved to be necessary'.

  Nehru had, in the meantime, gone on his second visit to East Punjab. Immediately on his return on the morning of 25 August, he wrote to Gandhi: 'In my last letter I gave you some idea of conditions in the Punjab. Normally even after the worst riots most people stick to their homes. Now with the coming of Pakistan the urge to get out of it has added to the normal urge to escape from a dangerous zone. On both sides of the border in the Punjab people are affected t
his way and mass migrations are taking place on a vast scale. These are largely spontaneous. Inevitably this is resulting and will result in misery for hundreds of thousands of people. It will mean also a tremendous burden on all Governments concerned, Provincial and Central, on both sides.

  'The Muslims of Amritsar districts, this is the survivors, told me that 50,000 of them had perished in the district. This is certainly wild exaggeration. But we should not be surprised if any thing up to 10,000 were killed in Eastern Punjab. There has been widespread killing on both sides and large numbers of refugees have been massacred. In Eastern Punjab probably the Akali Sikhs have indulged in killing more than anyone else. Worse than the killing have been the horrible outrages on women on both sides.... It is said and rightly that Lahore and Amritsar are quiet. The fact is that there are not many people left there to be killed. That is to say that Lahore has become almost entirely a Muslim city and Amritsar a Hindu-Sikh city.

  'More and more both in the East and West Punjab, habitually lawless elements are coming to the front and they are not prepared to listen to the leaders. There are internal conflicts also in both the provinces. In Western Punjab there is conflict between Mamdot, the Chief Minister, and Feroz Khan Noon. Noon appears to be encouraging the wilder elements in the League. In Eastern Punjab there is a good deal of stress and strain between the Sikhs and Hindus. The Akalis, or some of them do not hesitate to talk in terms of establishing a Sikh State as a result of this turmoil. Their logic is very good, but there is little doubt that many of them have vague hopes that something advantageous to them might happen if trouble continued. Some of these think that they can force India to go to war with Pakistan. In such a war they imagine that Pakistan is bound to be defeated and then Sikhistan will emerge. Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh, however, have been trying to get peace restored. Their influence does not seem to go as far as some people imagined. The wilder elements among the Akalis have joined hands with some of the RSS people'.