The Telegraph Book of Readers' Letters from the Great War

by Gavin Fuller

  2. A Child; the drawing bears the signature: ‘Doris Hocknell’.

  Both are enclosed in celluloid facings.

  Being desirous of returning them to the owner I should be pleased if you will assist me by making it known through the medium of your paper.

  I am, &c.,

  W.J. Norburn, Major, AOD

  Havre

  30 December 1915

  ORGANISATION OF THE COUNTRY’S RESOURCES

  Utilising Every Class

  SIR – We are an indifferently organised nation. The war has plainly told us that. We have prospered by individual effort, and big men with a genius for seeing along the road of progress have carried with them the smaller men unaccustomed to think out problems by themselves. But a nation organised in wartime to bring out the best its population can produce must be infinitely stronger than one which does little to concentrate the whole energies of its people upon the work of production.

  How many have asked themselves the question recently, ‘What can I do to serve best the Empire at the most critical stage of its history?’ The number of people unable to enrol themselves in the fighting forces, or to take part in the work of munition making, is extremely high. Whether it is one hundred thousand, half a million, or a million, it must cause deep concern to the Government if the energies of this mass are misapplied, or are not applied to uses which build up the national wealth. In the last few weeks the public have frequently been told how important it is that production at home should be increased, and now that the Army strength has been raised to four million men the economic problem of keeping the nation’s trade going at high pressure is rendered more difficult of solution than ever it was. So acute must it become that the nation is bound to look for new sources of labour supply, and to expect production from classes which hitherto have not entered the fields of industry.

  Men and Women

  There is at this moment a great opportunity for rendering a national service of inestimable value by sound, practical men in thinking out and developing a scheme for utilising large classes of the people at present producing nothing. The bulk of these would be delighted to accept a suggestion as to how they could help the country. Men of leisure over military age or unfit for military service, professional men whose careers have been temporarily checked owing to the war, and employees in industries which the war has injured form a considerable portion of the population, and anyone who is aware of the efforts made by these classes to obtain some useful war work knows how wide a demand there is for any scheme under which they could be employed.

  The war has brought home to us that we had been too hesitating in the employment of women in many industries. Institutions which before the war scorned the idea that women could do the work then performed by men have availed themselves of women’s help, and speak in the highest terms of the performance of their duties, of punctuality, good temper and steady application to their tasks. In factories of all descriptions women have taken the place of men who have patriotically gone to the colours. If it be true that there are hundreds of thousands of women earning honourable wages today who had never sought employment before the war, it is clear the nation must be the richer for their services. It may be a labour problem will be created after the war, for, these women, having entered fields of enterprise for which they have proved their fitness, will not readily give up their employment. But that is a matter for after-war settlement. The point is that a great army of women is, in the time of the country’s need, helping in a marvellous way to keep industry going, and what they are doing ought to prompt an enormous number of their sisters who are doing nothing for the country to come out and assist for the national good.

  How to Use Them

  The question is how can these men and women be helped to devote their energies for the welfare of the country. There must be countless ways for their profitable employment. The most attractive, of course, is munition-making or the manufacture of equipment for the troops, for everyone so engaged rightly appreciates that each article made goes directly to the defeat of the Allies’ enemies. But so does the production of every necessary article made at home. This is a war in which money plays a part as vital as that of men. Anyone devoting money and labour to the production of food in this country is preventing the importation of a corresponding amount, and keeps money at home which would otherwise go abroad. The balance sheet of the amateur poultry farmer, even if it shows an adverse balance, is a patriotic document during the war, and anyone who has cut his flower garden in half that he may grow vegetables may be satisfied he is doing a service by raising food. Similarly, every week employed in maxing articles which, if not required at home, may be exported and bring money into the country, is given to the nation’s cause.

  The people who could be employed, and – there is no doubt about it – who wish to be employed, if there was some organisation to direct their energies into appropriate channels, are waiting a lead. Cannot some method be devised for utilising the services of the mass of people who, if not idle, are not doing all they can to promote the national welfare, and whose inactivity, owing to the weakness of national organisation, constitutes a national waste? Would it not be possible for some practical men to consider how all the available material in men and women could be passed into spheres of usefulness, where each person, while profiting by the output of honourable labour, will get an even greater return in the knowledge that he or she has done some part in helping the country to win the war, and to prepare for the struggle for industrial supremacy when peace comes?

  A Central Bureau

  If a number of public-spirited ladies and gentlemen could be got together to organise and control a central bureau in London, with branches throughout the country, to arrange that the unemployed energies of the people should be directed to the work of production, the country would conduct the final phase of the war with a greatly increased force. Many people believe they have qualifications which would make them useful, but they do not know how or where to offer their services. There are others who do not know they possess qualifications, but they are ready and anxious to be instructed, and if they could be informed how they could do something for their country they would render willing service.

  The central bureau could inquire what lines of employment would be useful, collect the personnel for such employment, and develop schemes for the employment of all possible workers outside the existing lines of public service. What the labour exchanges do for skilled and unskilled labour, the central bureau, or by whatever title it was known, could do for the large class which is not doing, but is anxious to do, all it can for the good of the country. This body might have a small beginning, but it would work for a class which is as patriotic as any in the country, and if its labours were well directed there are possibilities of effecting great and far-reaching benefits for the Empire.

  Suggestions Wanted

  Suggestions for the carrying out of such a scheme would be helpful to those who are considering it, and would be welcomed. While any hastily formed ideas might prejudice the chances of success, the question of utilising the fullest possible strength of the nation to finish the war is of such importance that it brooks no delay. A plan to bring to the country’s aid the majority of the non-productive elements of the population does not necessarily mean the setting-up of a new and costly organisation throughout the kingdom There is already in being the machinery for assisting in the carrying out of such a scheme as is suggested in this column, and the advantage of employing that machinery might be obtained if it was made evident that a well-considered and useful scheme was framed.

  The success of Lord Derby’s plan of recruiting was in a large measure due to the tremendous amount of work put into the organisation by the political party agents throughout the country. They brought to bear a wide experience and a sound knowledge of men and matters, and at a time when the tide of recruiting seemed about to ebb they helped forward the flood with a rush. The party agents and the local committees in ever
y ward of every borough and every polling district of every county are in touch with every section of the community. They are patriotic men, and would assuredly give their valuable assistance to any plan which would bring out the whole of the country’s resources at a time when every citizen of the Empire should lend a hand to win the war. Properly organised, there could be no more efficient source for the collection and distribution of personnel than the united organisations of the political parties of the State.

  I may also point out that the County Territorial Associations contain many of the most influential men in the counties. At this day it is unnecessary to refer to the untiring work these gentlemen have ungrudgingly given for the public good. Many of them – practically all of military age – are now serving with the Army, but there are left a number of older men of great influence and capacity who would be readily available, and could be used with the best advantage for the purposes of the scheme. The paid staffs of the associations have already so much to do that they are unable to attend to more, but a small special staff under each official secretary of associations could render useful service. The cost would not be heavy, and as the scheme would work for the benefit of the nation the financing of it would be a charge on the public funds.

  I am, your obedient servant,

  Middle Class

  4 January 1916

  ‘WAITING FOR THE OPPORTUNITY’

  SIR – The very able letter signed ‘Middle Class’ appearing in your issue of yesterday’s date raises a matter of vital national importance. There are thousands of men in Greater London alone over military age with long and practical experience of commercial and business life, like myself, who are only waiting for the opportunity to take up work at once and help in this time of need for as long as our services are required. Surely a Central Bureau could be quickly formed which would do for the large and willing class who are longing to help what the labour exchanges are doing for skilled and unskilled labour.

  I am, &c.,

  A Willing One

  Sutton

  PUBLIC SCHOOL BOYS’ OFFER

  SIR – May I suggest a means of employing a considerable number of young Britons? I am a public school boy. Every term I see some of my schoolfellows leave to take commissions in the Navy and Army, and our old boys’ roll of honour is, alas! very long. Those of us who are too young to serve the King would be proud to render any useful service to the country. We have games for two hours each afternoon which we would cheerfully give up.

  I suppose it would not a practical thing to suggest that lathes for the manufacture of munitions should be put up in our workshops and gymnasium, because it would not be profitable to run machinery for only two hours each day. But there are many things we could do, and if there are 50,000 public school boys in the kingdom ready to give up their spare time for at least two hours each day, it is surely a national waste not to employ us.

  At the end of three months the output of boys who collectively worked 100,000 hours a day would be prodigious. I am sure our masters would help the cause, and would instruct us in any work allotted by the Government. The Germans, we hear, compel their boys to work. Why not accept the free offer of public school boys to work for Britain?

  Your obedient servant,

  Upper Middle

  NATION’S EAGERNESS

  SIR – With reference to the admirable letter, signed ‘Middle Class’, appearing in today’s Daily Telegraph, I am sure the writer’s views will be supported by a large section of the community of would-be workers. Let some enterprising individuals of the energy and courage of Lord Derby but embark on this scheme of organising the formation of local bureaux where voluntary workers can apply for some form of personal service; there is no doubt that the idea would be taken up heart and soul by the nation, and all would feel they were doing their bit.

  I am, dear Sir, yours truly,

  Mary S. Edwards

  Chine Hall, Spa Road, Boscombe, Hants

  SERVICE FOR ALL

  SIR – Most people will agree with ‘Middle Class’ as to the necessity of organising the resources of the nation, and it appears to me that this can readily be accomplished. Lord Derby has with the help of information from the National Register organised the men of military age for military service. It is rumoured that in one direction the voluntary response has not been satisfactory, and that some measure of compulsion is now to be adopted – so far so good.

  It is agreed, however, that if we are to carry this war on to a successful conclusion we must have not only more men for the fighting lines, but more munition workers, and that fresh sources of supply of labour must be tapped if the vital industries of the nation are to be kept going. It is admitted that female labour must be more and more extensively used; but we must not overlook the fact that there are many men of the leisured classes at the present time absolutely unoccupied.

  Why should not Lord Derby’s scheme be applied to men over military age with a view to civil employment in the interests of the Empire? Let them be canvassed preferably by men who have been canvassed, attested and passed to the Army Reserve. Let those who are willing to respond to the call of their country register at the labour exchanges. If the response is not satisfactory, let them be compelled to register. There is no need to devise some more select agency. The labour exchange is just now as honourable a place for those over military age to use as is the recruiting office for those of military age. Class distinctions are anathema at this time of the Empire’s peril.

  After registration each man who was not in useful employment would be sent where he would be of most use and most needed. For instance, the retired Civil servant would be sent back to the Service to release those eligible for the Army. Those who are not capable of taking posts of responsibility would be drafted as unskilled labourers to munition works or to those trades whose continuance is of vital importance to the country.

  When it is urged that it would be incongruous for such men to work as unskilled labourers and to receive the pay of an unskilled labourer, it is overlooked that at the present time many a former leader of industry is serving in the ranks of the Army and receiving the pay of a private. Again, if and when many businessmen are called up in their groups under the Derby scheme, their businesses will smash and, if married, their homes will be broken up, for there will be no employer to supplement their Army pay. In comparison with such sacrifices, that of the leisured man would fade into insignificance.

  We hear a great deal of the young unmarried slacker, but let us not overlook those equally blameworthy – those over military age who are doing nothing when every man should be doing something to help in this time of need.

  Yours, &c.,

  Gilbert B. Soddy

  Eastbourne

  MEN AND MACHINES IDLE

  SIR – Our Government has for a long time been expending enormous sums of money in building new factories in and around London for the purpose of manufacturing munitions of war. After these factories are built, they have to be fitted out with machinery and power, all these machines have to be brought into the country at a very big expense, and the men who our Government asks to go to London and work these machines are men physically fit for the Army. My suggestion is that none of these new factories are required.

  There is now and always has been a very large number of machines, a large amount of space already built, and enormous power to work the machines standing idle in this country, and in the different towns where these machines, space and power are situated, there is a number of men who are too old to fight who could work a lathe, and they are too old to leave their homes and go to London and work in the Government factories. These men could if they were given the opportunity not only work a lathe, but they could teach the boys and women to work them in a very few days, hence we could get the whole of our munitions manufactured in our country towns, thereby releasing many thousands of eligible men from the huge factories in London and other places.

  It seems a great pity that so much of
the country’s money should be wasted in building factories when there is no need. And, again, there are thousands of idle fingers as your correspondent suggests only too willing and eager to do necessary work for their country, if they only had the opportunity. To give work to these idle fingers I would like to suggest that not only munitions of war are required, but there is work that others could do if they could see and know what was required. To give them this opportunity there should be a sample sent of anything and everything that is required by the Government into each town and exhibited in some large room or hall, so that the inhabitants who are willing could go and see what was required, and in a moment see if they could help in its manufacture.

  I feel confident that everything that is needed could be made in this way, and all willing and idle fingers could be quickly set at work if our Government could be induced to try a scheme of this kind.

  Yours truly,

  A Country Engineer

  Tunbridge Wells

  THE NATIONAL REGISTER

  SIR – The letter of ‘Middle Class’ in your issue of today emphasises the paramount duty of the Government to utilise immediately the services of the large number of ineligible men, and also women, to bring this war to a successful issue.

  Up to the present I have seen no authoritative a statistics of the National Registration, and I venture to say action should be taken on the results of this census. Doubtless a large sum of money was spent on this, as well as on Lord Derby’s scheme, and it would be wasteful to allow such an expenditure of capital without securing the fullest return.