The Rule Of The People (Conspiracy Trilogy Book 3)

by Christopher Read

  “Please go straight in, Mr Secretary.”

  Jensen straightened his back and strode through into the Oval Office, Deangelo and Woodward standing to greet him, the President’s shock at how he looked apparently genuine.

  Deangelo stepped forward to grip Jensen’s right arm, unsure whether to also shake him by the hand, “You’re hurt, Paul; we need to get the doctor to see you.”

  “It’s Admiral Adams’ blood,” replied Jensen gruffly. “You need to speak immediately to Admiral Lucas, Sir. Secretary Thorn has issued new orders committing our forces in the South China Sea to a missile attack against China’s carrier – they need to be countermanded before it’s too late.”

  “Thorn’s dead, Paul,” said Woodward softly. “A bomb attack in the Capitol Mall.”

  “Then so much the better!” said Jensen, the anger finally taking control. “Dead or not, the President still needs to countermand the order!”

  Deangelo stared at Jensen, his insistent tone not something a president would normally appreciate; that in itself somehow emphasised the need for haste, the anguish in Jensen’s voice obvious, the blood on his clothes a mark of what he too had gone through.

  The President gave the briefest nod of understanding and he quickly stepped across to his desk to pick up the phone, keying a pre-set number.

  “I need to speak to Admiral Lucas, Pacific Command, immediately,” he instructed. “Also patch in Rear-Admiral Espada aboard the Ronald Reagan and Admiral King…” Deangelo might have taken his time to weigh up his options in the South China Sea but he now acted decisively, commands given without the need for detailed consultation, the President with a clear grasp of the chain of command in the Pacific, even knowing the names of all the senior staff.

  By the time they reached the Situation Room the calls had been made, Deangelo speaking directly to the commanders of the Gerald Ford and John Stennis Strike Groups. For some unclear reason, Pacific Command’s Admiral Lucas was unavailable, his deputy similarly so; Rear-Admiral Espada on the Ronald Reagan was also taking his time to confirm that Deangelo’s new orders had been implemented, the President’s impatience revealed by a curt comment to every new negative.

  Although reports coming in from the South China Sea remained the priority, there was also a need to understand exactly what was happening closer to home. Thorn dead, Adams critical, Jensen covered in blood – to an outsider it had all the indications of a co-ordinated attack on the U.S. Administration and security for the other Cabinet members had immediately been increased, the units guarding the Capitol also put on a heightened alert. The National Mall was being swamped with police and FBI, initial reports indicating that the bomb blast had injured at least twenty, nothing definite as to the number of those killed.

  Almost ten minutes had passed and there was still no confirmation from the Ronald Reagan, the atmosphere in the Situation Room becoming increasingly tense as the seconds dragged by: no-one could be certain how deep-seated Thorn’s influence might be and Deangelo was prepared to do whatever it took to stop any such senseless reprisals. The talks in Astana were a fragile first step towards peace, the negotiations likely to end once a single American missile struck home. Beijing certainly wasn’t making it any easier for Deangelo and at least two of their attack submarines were always sniffing around close to the Ronald Reagan’s exclusion zone, apparently happy to push their luck.

  China’s lone aircraft carrier patrolled to the north-west of the Reagan, the Liaoning a forty-minute flight for the strike group’s anti-ship missiles. Under normal circumstances that would be plenty of time to abort an attack but now it seemed unbelievably short, America’s Commander-in-Chief barely in charge of his Cabinet let alone a naval unit over eight thousand miles away. The status and standing orders for every other vessel and military unit were also being re-assessed, Deangelo needing to know whether Thorn’s subtle adjustment to the rules of engagement was merely a one-off.

  It was twelve minutes before Rear-Admiral Espada finally confirmed the change in orders, no excuse given for the delay. Admiral Lucas and his deputy were proving harder to pin down and Deangelo quickly lost patience, the second in line given temporary command. With the situation seemingly now under control, the Secretary of the Navy and the Deputy Secretary of Defence were the next to become involved, Deangelo demanding answers before he was forced into a Russian-style purge.

  Jensen sat drinking a lukewarm coffee, still spilling it despite having both hands on the cup, the shakes having started as soon as he’d sat down. Clean clothes had eventually arrived, a medic patching up the cuts and grazes to his face. Injured and in shock he might be but he was still Secretary of Homeland Security and determined to do his job, a briefing from the FBI’s Deputy Director bringing him up-to-date as to the identity of his attackers as well as Pat McDowell’s part in Thorn’s murder.

  Jensen mostly just listened, his opinions kept to himself, mentally filling in the various gaps to the FBI’s understanding. Under different circumstances the situation would have almost been laughable: Jensen and Adams attacked by Thorn’s allies in the Pentagon as he in turn was murdered by the President’s hitman. Once Deangelo had made it into the Oval Office, the conspiracy had quickly twisted itself into knots, the pledges made discarded as a more complex reality hit home.

  For the moment, Jensen certainly couldn’t prove Deangelo’s guilt. In any event he was still struggling with the dilemma of justice or expediency, the latter becoming ever more tempting as he considered the alternative. Dick Thorn had been willing to risk hundreds of American lives in his personal quest – a quick death was by far the best he had deserved.

  Chapter 16 – Saturday to Monday, November 26th to 28th

  Beijing – Saturday, 21:26 Local Time; 13:26 UTC

  The meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee was quickly becoming an edgy affair, the reality of China’s problems – military, economic and domestic – well understood by most but still not all of its seven members, and the President was keen to emphasise that even with a peaceful resolution a sustained economic recession was virtually inevitable. America’s offer of peace had come with a list of conditions, with just enough positives for Beijing to give it serious consideration.

  General Liang sat in as a military adviser, his success in neutralising the Russian threat ensuring that his opinion was more highly regarded then he had anticipated. Asked to summarise the military situation, his evaluation was based not just on America’s actions over the past two weeks but the mood of its people and the words of its President. Deangelo had been steadfast in his defence of the Philippines, promises made and kept to, and America seemed utterly determined to force China to surrender its island conquests. The murders in Washington might have rid the Administration of two of its hardliners but the subsequent outcry had only strengthened Deangelo’s hand, and the likely appointment of a Republican as Vice-President merely underlined America’s resolute stance.

  China might still control several of the Spratly Islands but all were effectively at the mercy of the U.S. Navy and its strike groups, reprisals only increasing the likelihood that the Chinese mainland would be the next target. The tactic of involving North Korea could very easily backfire, Liang noting the looks of concern as he detailed Pyongyang’s military build-up close to the border with South Korea; most of North Korea’s submarine fleet had already set sail and the Sea of Japan could soon become a second region of conflict, it potentially far worse than anything yet seen in the South China Sea.

  The deal thrashed out in Kazakhstan had involved not just the three superpowers but the five other countries having some claim to the Paracel or Spratly Islands. The accord was more a set of principles than a definitive agreement and while it was never going to be ideal, President Zhao could still claim China had gained from it, the main selling point China’s undisputed sovereignty over the Paracel Islands, suitable guarantees given. The principle area of controversy had always lain with the concept of territorial waters and a compro
mise proposal of just five kilometres – the old ‘cannon shot’ rule – had been accepted by all parties, with the exclusive economic zone set at double that distance. Although subject to formal ratification via the United Nations, it was a simple way to cut through past arguments, offering a degree of territorial control without it becoming excessive.

  The status of the Spratly Islands was more complex, Beijing’s earlier agreement with Vietnam overturned. All islands, reefs, banks and shoals would be returned to their pre-crisis occupiers, further land reclamation by China and other claimants abandoned for a minimum of five years. The precise governance of the various islands and other features could then be argued out at a conference in February, any future agreement binding on all parties.

  It was a compromise the minor players would do well to accept: Malaysia effectively gaining by default, while the Philippines’ claims on the Spratly Group were now seen as equally valid to those of China; for Vietnam, it was potentially a better deal than earlier, Brunei bought off with a joint U.S.-China financial package. Taiwan had already shown its willingness to reach some mutually convenient settlement with its neighbour and America was now prepared to give its blessing, the benefits far outweighing any perceived disadvantage.

  Nor had General Morozov’s obligation to Liang been forgotten, Russia’s new president prepared to discuss the border situation without pre-conditions. The evidence as to the origins of the Koschei remained contentious and it was proving counter-productive to force the issue; in a few months, once the dust had settled, Beijing could back-up its denials with a detailed account of the Koschei’s refit, perhaps even be able to reveal the names of its crew. Maybe then Morozov would find it in his interests to confirm the tale or more likely treat the Koschei as a rogue submarine, its captain once again a convenient scapegoat.

  The Kazakhstan talks had left certain other countries out in the cold, notably North and South Korea. Both were publicly voicing their anger at not being fully involved in the negotiations but they too would gain something from the deal, it clearly to everyone’s advantage – especially the three major powers – to make it work. The fact President Zhao was already preparing to fly to Pyongyang to secure North Korea’s support was clear proof as to his own personal commitment, no-one able to guarantee he would still be president by the time he landed back in Beijing.

  Peace and the hope for a return to prosperity were within touching distance, the few remaining doubters on the Politburo just needing to understand that there really was no other choice. Zhao was close to exhaustion, his well-honed skills of persuasion and intimidation being used to the full in order to save China from disaster.

  The meeting broke up just before midnight with the PSC split six to one in support of the accord. President Zhao insisted on it being unanimous, impressing the need to show the people of China that there were no dissenting voices. Early tomorrow the arguments would all start afresh and, one way or another, the President would have his unanimous vote, the mandate for peace now virtually assured.

  Washington, D.C. – Sunday, 19:44 Local Time; Monday 00:44 UTC

  Bob Deangelo sat in the Oval office, running through in his mind the words to his prime-time address, trying to make sure the earlier changes were exactly what he wanted. In the seventeen days of his presidency, he had taken his country to the edge of a brutal war, betrayed friends and set in motion the murder of his closest political ally. Dick Thorn might have been dismayed by Deangelo’s willingness to compromise but Yang Kyung-Jae’s dream of a sovereign Taiwan was about to be realised, the cost far less than any of them had ever imagined.

  Deangelo didn’t consider himself a tyrant; a realist maybe. His actions had undoubtedly brought personal gain but he could argue America was the stronger for it, Deangelo able to reaffirm America’s position as the dominant world power. The fact he had needed to manoeuvre his way to the top was no different to any presidential campaign, there always plenty of tears shed and a modicum of blood spilt; the principle of ‘the end justifying the means’ was a standard defence, accepted by history if not always the public, some presidents more successful than others at hiding their misdeeds. Thorn’s own betrayal had also proved the wisdom of using McDowell, Deangelo safe in the knowledge that while Jensen might well believe he was complicit, he had chosen to stay silent.

  Deangelo had been deeply impressed by Paul Jensen, seeing him as a truly honourable man, yet someone who was also prepared to put his own conscience on hold for the sake of his country. Jensen had never yet admitted as such but it was clear he well understood the intricacies of Deangelo’s complex involvement in the conspiracy and perhaps even Thorn’s murder. McDowell’s methods had certainly been more brutal than Deangelo had wanted or anticipated, every innocent life wasted one too many. Having started along that particular route it had been almost impossible to pull back and who better than McDowell to deal with an intractable Secretary of Defence.

  Earlier that morning, an emotional meeting of the Cabinet had been held, Jensen prepared to accept responsibility for not stopping McDowell and the deaths of his two Cabinet colleagues, his letter of resignation already written. Deangelo would have none of it and, unlike with Thorn, he truly had no ulterior motive in mind; Jensen had always been his first choice as Secretary of Homeland Security and nothing that had happened since had changed that opinion.

  It was the same with Jack Shepard; Deangelo had picked the best man for the job and the fact he was a Republican was almost irrelevant. Shepard’s confirmation as Vice-President on the Saturday had gone as smoothly as anyone could have hoped, Congress still reeling from the death of Dick Thorn; the ring of FBI agents around the Capitol Building might have had some influence on the vote but it had become a time to put aside petty squabbles, the events of Friday once again proving the need for an unbroken presidential line of succession.

  In a rare show of equanimity and compassion – or was it guilt – the Senate had even unanimously confirmed Dick Thorn as Secretary of Defence, the applause at the vote rippling through the chamber. Pointless maybe and probably illegal but no-one seemed to care; despite everything that had happened, it was still a fitting recognition of Thorn’s past service.

  Democracy could be a fickle animal at best, America’s president and Congress not always working together as one, their own selfish needs often outweighing the needs of the nation. The conspiracy had simply redirected Senators and Representatives towards the acceptance of a more dynamic bipartisan leadership: Deangelo, Shepard, and Congress – each would now have a full part to play in maintaining America’s world role and superpower status.

  “Ten seconds, Mr President.”

  Deangelo took a deep breath and composed himself, wanting to sound sombre yet positive, the success of the Astana accord something to be proud of. Diplomacy was a difficult art, Deangelo needing to justify his actions at home while being careful not to be too outspoken against China, the ink on the formal agreement barely dry.

  “Good evening. Over the past month we have all seen how dangerous a world we live in, the missile and torpedo attacks in the South China Sea taking hundreds of innocent lives, families driven from their homes, the security of our nation and those of our allies under threat. The Philippines has been a staunch ally of the United States and in direct response to China’s assault on the Spratly Islands our Armed Forces have been engaged in a bitter struggle to reclaim the occupied reefs.

  “The sacrifice of our brave servicemen and women has been significant but it has not been in vain. The United States, the Philippines and the People’s Republic of China, together with other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have today reached agreement as to the principles regarding the governance of the Spratly Islands, specifically the sovereignty of its many reefs and shoals and the fair allocation of the region’s natural resources…”

  Deangelo tried not to make his statement too dry and factual, keeping to the basics while emphasising the key aspects; full details would be av
ailable online immediately after he had finished speaking and Deangelo wanted everything out in the open, the many positives of the agreement far outweighing the occasional negative. He was also very conscious of British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s ‘peace for our time’ speech following the Munich Agreement in 1938, Deangelo knowing that the inevitable comparisons would be made. However, this was not a package of appeasement by a pacifist head of government; America would maintain and expand its presence in the South China Sea, its commitment to the Philippines as strong as ever.

  With the external threat dealt with, Deangelo moved on to more personal matters. “In a difficult situation for our country, the enemies of our nation sought to take advantage, targeting the members of this Administration in the hope we would falter. Admiral Wade Adams and Secretary of Defence Dick Thorn gave their lives for their country, their service in the military and as part of two Administrations an example to us all. Nor should we forget that six of their protection detail were also murdered doing their duty, each one a tragic loss to the nation they loved.

  “The United States will not be deterred from doing what is just because of acts such as these and you can be assured that this Administration remains steadfast in its commitment to fight terrorism, whatever form it might take. With men such as Wade Adams and Dick Thorn we can and we will prevail.

  “Thank you. Good night and God bless these United States of America.”

  * * *

  Anderson was reacquainting himself with the delights of Dulles Airport, a seat on the late evening flight to Heathrow courtesy of the FBI. It wasn’t exactly a reward or even a bribe, more a hint that he should let America deal with its own problems from now on. There was evidently no chance of a belated invitation to the White House, Anderson having to settle for a free one-way airline ticket and a handshake from Ray Flores.