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The Oxford Handbook of Neolithic Europe

Page 102

by Chris Fowler


  Neither did metal production require many new skills. One way of improving the workability of flint and chert is to heat it carefully (not enough to vitrify it, but enough to affect the chemical matrix) before knapping (Whittaker 1994). Similarly, firing pottery requires closely controlled temperatures—especially in the production of the fragile, thin-walled Beaker pottery. Although we cannot adequately reconstruct prehistoric pyrotechnologies, they were clearly more complex than the unthinking use of simple cooking fires or open bonfire kilns. We equally lack a proper understanding of the technologies of producing and using organic materials, but these were probably involved in complex chaines opératoires requiring sophisticated appreciation of the materials involved. A large part of the ground-stone tool assemblage of the third and fourth millennia BC was probably produced for use as wood-working tools (Fokkens 1998; Louwe Kooijmans 2005, 255), whilst the applewood hammer with a handle in ash from Hüde I suggests the sophistication of fourth-millennium woodworking: the different woods were selected for specific tool parts based on their differing strength, flexibility, and sturdiness (Louwe Kooijmans 2005, 268). Similar planning and chains of practices were involved in cultivating fibrous plants and preparing wool for weaving, and in the complex dying and weaving processes hinted at by the few scraps preserved in water-logged contexts (Hurcombe 2008; Harding 2000, 254; Bender-Jørgensen 1992). The appearance of new dress ornaments in western Europe, such as pins, belt-loops, and v-perforated buttons, suggests a shift toward sewn woollen or linen clothing (Bender-Jørgensen 1992). Finally, some of the most basic prehistoric technologies, such as grinding corn for food or temper for adding to potting clay, have potential applications in metalworking, such as ore refining and roasting.

  The contexts of use and deposition for early metal objects fit into a broad class of ‘special objects/materials’, such as highly polished hard-stone axes and amber. These objects share certain physical properties including lustre, brilliance, distinctive colour, and non-local or hard-to-access points of origin (chapters in Jones and MacGregor 2002; Pétrequin et al. 2002, 2008; Klassen 2004). Often these objects were treated in ways that distinguished them from the rest of the material in circulation, such as the hoards and deposits of hundreds or even thousands of amber beads alongside polished flint axes and Funnel Beaker pottery in southern Scandinavian bogs (Ebbesen 1995). Similarly, extremely long polished flint axes from Scandinavia were deposited in hoards in wet places in the Netherlands and north-west Germany during the fourth millennium BC—apparently after having been rubbed with red ochre (Wentink 2006). Alpine jadetite axes circulated as far north as Scotland and Denmark, being reshaped and re-polished into significant local forms as they travelled (Sheridan 2007; Klassen 1999). This situation is comparable to the re-melting of metal objects and their re-creation in regionally and locally desirable forms. If metal had been conceptually distinct from all other materials, then the forms throughout north-west Europe should not reflect local patterns but rather emulate a universal idea of ‘metal.’

  CONCLUSIONS: UNDERSTANDING NEOLITHIC METALWORK IN NORTH-WEST EUROPE

  Whether perceived as a technological or a chronological change, the appearance of metal tends to push scholars into proposing social transformations by the communities involved in its use and manufacture (cf. Roberts and Frieman 2012). One consequence of this metal-orientated perspective is the debate over whether we should recognize a Chalcolithic period across Europe and beyond, dividing the Neolithic from the Bronze Age (Allen et al. 2012; Brindley 1995; Guilaine 2006). Another is the proliferation of projects researching the earliest metal objects and metal production practices. These projects have generated sufficient data, not only to re-analyse metal on its own terms, but also to allow meaningful comparisons to other contemporary materials and technologies, enabling the many interpretations and assumptions concerning the ‘spread’ and ‘development’ of metal to be re-evaluated (see Thornton and Roberts 2009 and chapters in Journal of World Prehistory 22, 3–4).

  Metal objects in the fourth and third millennia BC in northern and western Europe represent only one of several exotic and visually distinctive materials exploited and shaped in different ways by distant communities. Whilst the earliest metal can be regarded as special in the sense that it may have been desirable for adornment and display, it seemingly did not exert any causal influence on the dynamics underlying the communities involved and conveyed no obvious technological advantage. The ability to create copper and lead objects from their ores or melt copper or gold from naturally occurring nuggets was not invented independently in northern or western Europe. However, there were at least partially comparable technologies in terms of technical complexity, logistics, and pathways of transmission. When metal production did occur, it required specialist expertise, but was only applied on a small-scale and sporadic basis with little innovation or intensification. Production may not even have occurred in many regions during certain periods, and there is little sense that the desire to learn the new technology created a demand for metal to fill roles beyond its circumscribed place in the new ideologies and lifestyles which stimulated its consumption. In conclusion, the early presence of metal does not herald a revolution, but instead represents a single material that has survived through the millennia to be relatively well studied by scholars who, perhaps, attach more significance to its appearance than any prehistoric person would have.

  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

  We are very grateful for the numerous discussions with many individuals who have shared their expertise. We would especially like to thank Paul Ambert, Stuart Needham, Alison Sheridan, Jo Sofaer, Marie-Louise Stig-Sørensen, Chris Thornton, and Helle Vandkilde. We would also like to thank Helga Schütze at the National Museum of Denmark for permission to use the image of the Bygholm hoard. The errors remain our own.

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