The Life and Writings of Abraham Lincoln

by Abraham Lincoln

  This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not specially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution—which amendment, however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

  The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.

  Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.

  By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.

  My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.

  In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to “preserve, protect, and defend it.”

  I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

  NOTE TO EACH OF THE CABINET MEMBERS ASKING FOR OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER

  The first problem faced by the Lincoln administration on coming into office was what to do with Fort Sumter, which either had to be provisioned or surrendered to the Confederates in South Carolina. In reply to this note, all but two of Lincoln’s Cabinet members felt that it would be useless to try to hold the fort.

  Executive Mansion, March 15, 1861

  MY DEAR SIR: Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your opinion in writing on this question.

  REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD’S MEMORANDUM

  On April 1, Lincoln received from his Secretary of State, William H. Seward, a memorandum which stated that the month-old administration was without either a domestic or a foreign policy. Seward suggested that the question before the public be changed from one of slavery, or about slavery, to a question of union or dis-union, which, as he said, would be a change “from what would be regarded as a party question to one of patriotism or union.” He also suggested that the difficulties over Sumter be terminated—although he did not say how—and that all the other Southern forts be maintained. In addition to these ideas, he hinted that a foreign war would serve to reunite the dissatisfied sections. He then subtly implied that if the President wished it, he would be glad to undertake these duties himself, although he sought neither “to evade nor assume responsibility.” Lincoln realized that he must deal immediately with his Secretary of State and make him understand that he, and not Seward, was President. In this reply to Seward’s memorandum he explains as tactfully as possible his own position in the matter; he nevertheless makes Seward realize who is President.

  Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861

  MY DEAR SIR: Since parting with you I have been considering your paper dated this day, and entitled “Some Thoughts for the President’s Consideration.” The first proposition in it is, “First, We are at the end of a month’s administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or foreign.”

  At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: “The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts.” This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter.

  Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic one.

  The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign policy.

  Upon your closing propositions—that “whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it.

  “For this purpose it must be somebody’s business to pursue and direct it incessantly.

  “Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or

  “Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide”—I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet.

  PROCLAMATION CALLING 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION

 
The relief expedition to Sumter had sailed. Before it could come to the relief of the beleaguered fort, the Confederates fired on Sumter on April 12. The tiny garrison was forced to surrender on April 14. On that same day (a Sunday), Lincoln wrote out this proclamation calling for volunteers and convening Congress in special session. It was published on Monday, April 15.

  April 15, 1861

  WHEREAS the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law:

  Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.…

  I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, and destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty days from date.

  Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective chambers, at twelve o’clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.

  PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE

  The North realized immediately that the one best way to paralyze Southern commerce, which was largely based on exports of raw material to Europe, was to blockade the Southern ports. Unfortunately, there were 3600 miles of coastline in the Confederate states, and the North had only a limited number of ships with which to blockade the ports. Still more unfortunately, on the day after this blockade was issued, the Gosport Navy Yard at Norfolk, Virginia, was burned, and the Federal fleet was still further reduced. Nevertheless, it was the eventual success of this blockade which forced the South to her knees as she was slowly reduced to financial chaos and starvation.

  April 19, 1861

  WHEREAS an insurrection against the government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States:

  And whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United States …

  Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable.

  And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy.

  LETTER TO REVERDY JOHNSON

  (Confidential)

  Reverdy Johnson was a noted Maryland lawyer and politician, a former Whig who had become a Democrat in 1856, a man who supported the Union cause during the War, but who always had a great affection for the South. Lincoln writes to him on a day on which Washington was completely isolated from the North and in immediate fear of invasion from Virginia, which had seceded from the Union on April 17. He explains why troops were being brought through Maryland to come to the defense of Washington.

  Executive Mansion, April 24, 1861

  MY DEAR SIR: Your note of this morning is just received. I forbore to answer yours of the 22d because of my aversion (which I thought you understood) to getting on paper and furnishing new grounds for misunderstanding. I do say the sole purpose of bringing troops here is to defend this capital. I do say I have no purpose to invade Virginia with them or any other troops, as I understand the word invasion. But, suppose Virginia sends her troops, or admits others through her borders, to assail this capital, am I not to repel them even to the crossing of the Potomac, if I can? Suppose Virginia erects, or permits to be erected, batteries on the opposite shore to bombard the city, are we to stand still and see it done? In a word, if Virginia strikes us, are we not to strike back, and as effectively as we can? Again, are we not to hold Fort Monroe (for instance) if we can? I have no objection to declare a thousand times that I have no purpose to invade Virginia or any other State, but I do not mean to let them invade us without striking back.

  LETTER TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH’S PARENTS

  This is one of the most celebrated of all Lincoln’s letters, a letter of condolence that ranks second only to the more celebrated letter to Mrs. Bixby (November 21, 1864). Ellsworth had read law in Lincoln’s office in Springfield. He was a born soldier, and he had organized a picturesque company of volunteers who had toured the country in 1860 giving demonstrations of precision drilling. Ellsworth had accompanied Lincoln on the Presidential train to Washington, and Lincoln had become very much attached to him. On May 24, Ellsworth had led a regiment of men recruited from the New York Fire Department across the Potomac to Alexandria, Virginia. In attempting to take down a Confederate flag flying from the roof of the Marshall House there, Ellsworth had been shot and killed by the hotel proprietor. His body was removed to the White House, where it lay in state in the East Room. He was the first commissioned officer to be killed in the Civil War.

  Washington D. C., May 25, 1861

  MY DEAR SIR AND MADAM: In the untimely loss of your noble son, our affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised usefulness to one’s country, and of bright hopes for one’s self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew.

  And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet through the latter half of the intervening period it was as
intimate as the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes; and I never heard him utter a profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which in the sad end he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less than for himself.

  In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my young friend and your brave and early fallen child.

  May God give you that consolation which is beyond all earthly power.

  FROM THE MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION

  On July 4, Congress assembled for the special session called by the President’s proclamation of April 15. It was a strange session, with the seats of the Southern Congressmen remaining vacant, and a whole country waiting to hear the President’s War policies. This message gives a brief summary of how the War began, and of Lincoln’s attitude toward the meaning of the great struggle that was just getting under way.