The 1868 St. Bernard Parish Massacre

by C. Dier

  They said—that is Tremier and others—I know all of them—that they would kill the Dr.—“they would not shoot him down but would take him to the house, and make him pull off his shoes, and pull the trigger of a shot gun with his toe and shoot himself that way.” They did not speak this in English, but said so in French, and I knew what they said.

  The Dr. and myself were taken to the house—the Coffee House (Manuel Flores) and they all wanted to know of me what the Doctor come up there for, that is to the gate, I told them he came for peace, to prevent bloodshed, but they do not believe it so, but I repeatedly told them and kept talking to them that way,—that the Dr. had not come for any other purpose than peace hoping that they would believe me far enough to keep them from killing the Dr.143

  The men seemed intent on killing Dr. Lee despite the pleas from Jones, but they did not feel it was sensible to kill him in the open road, especially considering he was the father of a renowned Union general. Many poor whites viewed Dr. Lee and his son, General Lee, as carpetbaggers who moved down to capitalize on their downtrodden economy after the Civil War. Local whites had little sympathy for them. Jones and other freedmen spoke fluent Spanish and translated the excited words of the captors to Dr. Lee. Dr. Lee and the freedpeople were transported to Florey’s Coffeehouse, a local coffee shop converted into a makeshift prison. Dr. Lee and dozens of freedpeople, including Louis Wilson, were held captive.144

  THROUGHOUT THE ENTIRE day, meandering vigilantes, many masquerading as police, roamed and killed freedpeople. They raided all the ex–slave quarters, still inhabited by freedpeople, to steal what they could appropriate for personal use and, most importantly, destroy registration papers. They were determined to return the parish to a Democratic stronghold by instilling terror and fear into the hearts of the freedpeople.145

  According to the 1869 report by the Louisiana General Assembly, “It was dangerous for a colored or white Republican to walk the street by day or night. The marauders…sacked houses, robbed the people of money, moveables, arms and registration papers; killed men and hacked them to pieces with bowie knives, and prevented the civil officers from performing their functions.”146

  Notable white Republicans were prime targets for angry Democrats. A group of thirty armed white men visited Judge A.G. Thornton’s residence the same morning. They broke into his home and stole numerous articles. In one of Judge Thornton’s testimonies, he claimed that they took his “hat, two guns, table-knives, carving knives, and many sundry household articles.” They also flipped his mattress and, “in one case, making three little sick children get up” to “search between the mattresses…for money or silverware.” The ransacking of Judge Thornton’s home demonstrated a disregard for the law by the assailants because they did not fear getting caught or prosecuted. They acted with impunity.147

  A U.S. Geological Survey map of lower St. Bernard Parish showing the area from the Mississippi River to the Bayou Terre-aux-Boeufs region. The massacre took place within this vicinity. U.S. Geological Survey.

  At a similar time that the events occurred at Dr. Lee’s plantation and Judge Thornton’s residence, a group of about fifteen to twenty white men, headed by Vallvey Veillon, went to the old slave quarters at the Davis and Millaudon Plantations. There, they shot indiscriminately as freedpeople scurried into the cane fields for safety. One of them was shot during the mayhem. The group then plundered the empty cabins and stole guns, cooking knives, canes, money, clothing and marriage and registration papers. The freedmen could not vote in the upcoming presidential election without registration papers.148

  J.M. Lee recorded the account of Felis Thomas, a freedwoman, who was present during the raid:

  On Monday the 26th of Oct., 1868 about 8 o’clock in the morning, they came in here to this place, the Spanish, about twenty of them. Three or four of them came in with shot guns hallowing. I ran from them when I saw them coming because I was afraid they were going to shoot me. Ran about a hundred yards, they were shooting at me, and hit me with a shot near my house. I was trying to get to my house. They shot me in the left leg below the knee, I fell down, they came up to me. I got up and walked into my house, they came in behind me. Mr. Alma Marshall, he shot me with a shot gun, was on his horse when he shot me. Vellvey Veillon was the head man with the twenty white men.

  Alma Marshall and another white man came into my house—took my husband’s gun and pistol, powder, horn and flash, shot and caps. They then went for my brother—William Boss. They searched his house, took his gun, powder, and shot and a walking cane of his, and his pistol. My brother tried to run away from them, but they shot at him, and shot a hole through his clothes—back of his coat—He had to run away to save his life—I know most of the men who were with the party of Vellvey Veillon.149

  Later in the afternoon, a different group of white men, led by Confederate veteran Victor Estopinal, a younger cousin of Albert Estopinal, went to the cabins of the freedpeople at the Dar Quan Plantation. They murdered one freedman and shot three others. Another group headed to Marrero’s plantation. An elderly freedman around ninety years of age identified as “Nelson” was shot to death. The parties plundered the plantations in a similar fashion to Veillon’s posse, with registration papers being the top priority of the raids.150

  A few hours later, different armed men led by a man masquerading as sheriff, identified only as Le Blanc in documents, assembled in front of Ong’s plantation. They yelled for him to exit his domicile because he was under arrest. Ong knew the men were not authorized police and refused to leave his boarded-up residence.151

  A freedman who worked for Ong happened on the group by accident as he was returning from New Orleans with fifteen dollars’ worth of purchases. The man was unaware of the ongoing carnage. Seeing his valuables, the group shot at him. He dropped his goods and ran. He was caught by one of his assailants but escaped into the cane fields before facing his demise.152

  It was not until the arrival of Brevet Major Kinzie Bates with another contingent of U.S. federal troops from Jackson Barracks that the vigilantes had to continue their killing in a more covert manner. Upon arrival at the courthouse, he received a message from Ong. According to Bates’s testimony:

  While there I received a message from Mr. Thomas Ong, living about two miles distant, requesting me to come to his place, as his life was in danger. I placed eight men in a wagon and directed the balance of my company to follow me on foot. As I approached his place I noticed about a dozen white men, armed, sitting in front of his gate. As I reached the gate about sixty mounted men, armed with double-barreled shot-guns, came up. They had some freedman prisoners. Mr. Ong came out and placed himself under my protection. I asked this party what their object was. I was informed they were a sheriff’s posse, who were arresting the supposed murderers of Pablo Fileo [sic]. Le Blanc, the deputy sheriff, came up and spoke to me. I asked him at once to disperse his posse; that I would take care of the parish. They marched over to the court-house with their prisoners, and I saw no more of them. There was a very little feeling existing amongst these people against Mr. Ong.153

  The timely arrival of Major Bates probably saved Ong’s life, since the “posse” blamed Ong for inciting the freedmen to murder Feliu. Dozens of freedpeople descended on Ong’s residence once word of Major Bates’s arrival spread in hope of protection. The saga would have ended differently had Major Bates not arrived. Although many were joyful for his arrival, he had specific orders not to intervene with the ongoing violence “unless called upon to do so by the civil authorities.” However, the proper civil authorities no longer wielded power.154

  At approximately 2:00 p.m., a bipartisan meeting consisting of Governor Warmoth, General A.L. Lee and other prominent Democrats and Republicans met in New Orleans to call General Lovell Harrison Rousseau for immediate assistance to quell the troubles in St. Bernard Parish. General Rousseau was a Democrat from Kentucky, a decorated Union veteran and a skilled negotiator who had assisted with the purchase of Alaska from Rus
sia a year prior. He quickly dispatched messages to Secretary of War John Schofield and President Andrew Johnson for advice. The leaders of the New Orleans meeting sent out a proclamation “requesting no public meetings or processions by either political party before the balloting.” The proclamation was either ignored or went unnoticed by Democratic clubs.155

  MEANWHILE, AT FLOREY’S coffee shop, where Dr. Lee, Louis Wilson, Adolph Jones and others were held captive, the horror started. As the sun disappeared beyond the swamp, the mob found it safer to execute their victims. Dr. Lee witnessed four freedmen, including Louis Wilson, taken outside by some of the armed men who had kidnapped him. He heard several gunshots, and the armed men returned without the freedmen. Wilson survived the execution and gave his testimony to Lieutenant J.M. Lee: “When I was coming back from the Court House, they took me up at Frejus place, some white men did. Mr. Warren Cheek, is the head man,—Moassis—white men made me get down off my horse. He struck me with the gun he had, on my jaw. They then took me down to Florey’s about sunset.”156

  He continued that men, whom he knew and could identify, took him and others outside. He described the execution:

  I don’t know whether these men fired on me, but I think they fired on the rest of them. When they fired on me they broke off and ran. I got into some weed and I laid down, that is the time some one came up and shot me in the shoulder, (supposed to be Leone Pato). When they went away I crawled a little farther,—staid [sic] out all that night,—the next day. I staied [sic] three days in the woods. I got strength a little and I came home. That’s all I know. I am wounded in six places. On the shoulder, in my legs and in one foot. This is such a cold bad place I am afraid I will die here. I want to be taken to a hospital.157

  ADOLPH JONES, THE other freedman held captive at Florey’s, claimed in his testimony that he witnessed Wilson and others being taken out back. He then heard about “twelve” shots. Only one of the freedmen returned. For unknown reasons, he was removed from the execution and spared. When the spared freedman returned to Florey’s, he told Jones and the others of the execution. The freedman warned Jones and others not to repeat what had happened lest they suffer a similar fate.158

  Major Bates and General Lee heard of these horrors and sent a force to release the freedpeople and Dr. Lee. General Lee rescued his father, Dr. Lee, and escorted him to Ong’s plantation. Ong and Dr. Lee were escorted by federal troops to a safe haven in New Orleans. Ong met with General Rousseau to discuss the events. Ong ate and slept better that night. The freedpeople of St. Bernard Parish were not granted that same luxury. The horror for them continued:

  For the succeeding three days bodies of armed white men, notwithstanding the presence of United States troops who were there to aid the civil authorities in preserving peace, prowled around the parish killing and maltreating every colored man that appeared on the road, and not content with this went to their residences, robbed them of their money, provisions, clothing, registration-papers, and in some instances the discharge-papers of discharged soldiers were taken.159

  Chapter 6

  RAMIFICATION

  You son of a bitch if you move I’ll kill you.

  —armed man to a freedman

  The arrival of federal troops had a slight impact on the violence. It prompted Sheriff Chalaire, the legitimate sheriff, to act, perhaps because he felt safe in doing so or because he felt legally obligated. Indiscriminate slaughter was no longer a viable option for the armed pillaging groups.160

  President Andrew Johnson gave General Lovell Rousseau full authority to subdue the violence surrounding the presidential election. On October 31, President Johnson replied to General Rousseau:

  You are expected and authorized to take all legitimate steps necessary and proper to prevent breaches of the peace or hostile collisions between citizens. Questions relating to the civil polity of the State must be left to the proper civil authorities for consideration and settlement. The object is to preserve peace and restore civil Government to the people according to the principles laid down in the Constitution.

  You are referred to the instructions heretofore given, which are deemed full and ample for all just and law purposes.161

  Despite a deceleration, the killings did not cease. Vallvey Veillon returned to the Millaudon Plantation. Jane Ackus, a freedwoman who survived her first encounter without being shot, was seeking safety in her cabin when Veillon arrived. He went into her house and drew his pistol. Ackus claimed in her testimony that he shot her in her “heart three times.” She cried, “For God’s sake don’t, I have not done you any thing at all!” She barely survived the attack.162

  On Sunday, November 1, men masquerading as the police appeared at a smaller plantation where Eugene Joseph was working that evening. The men sent a younger teenager, identified by Joseph as Yono, to confront Joseph. Joseph described the incident to Lieutenant J.M. Lee:

  Then he [Yono] jumped on me and struck me in the face with his fists holding my collar, and he pulled out his knife and wanted to stab me, and I ran from him and he struck at me with his knife. I dodged and the knife just struck in my shirt, right here where you see my shirt open, and they run behind me on horse back, and then they shot me in the right breast, the ball lodged in my left side and is still in there. I don’t know the full name of the boy who struck at me with the knife, but Serapis Youa shot me with a revolver, I fell down and could not move, turned my head to look around and he came right on me…and he said “you son of a bitch if you move I’ll kill you.”163

  Joseph later states in his testimony that the man who shot him bragged, “This is the way you put a ball through a d----d nigger.” (It’s interesting to note that J.M. Lee did not spell out certain expletives but kept the racial pejorative intact throughout his investigation.) After the incident, they arrested Joseph and brought him to the courthouse in hidden view of the nearby federal troops. J.M. Lee noted the frequency with which freedpeople were “shot first and arrested afterward.” Judge A.G. Thornton, also an experienced physician, saw Joseph twice to address his wounds, and Joseph attributed his recovery to these visits. Despite this treatment, Joseph bore the scars of this ordeal throughout his life. Even as he testified against his attackers, the bullet remained lodged in his chest.164

  On November 3, a freedman identified only as Arnold started the morning early with his wife to dig and plant potatoes. In the distance, they noticed the hazy silhouettes of six armed men approaching in their direction. Arnold’s wife, having heard of stories of outbreaks and violence nearby, knew nothing positive could emerge from staying put and attempting to reason with these men. She urged her husband to get out of sight and “hide in the cane.” Arnold argued that he had committed no crime and thus had no reason to hide. If he told the approaching men what they wanted to hear, Arnold was sure they would move along. His wife, believing otherwise, fled to the fields. J.M. Lee documented the story of Arnold’s wife: “His wife hid in the cane and she heard the men as they came up, ask her husband if he had voted, and what ticket he voted. He said he had voted the Democratic ticket, and then they told him to go along with them and they would see if it was so, and after going afew [sic] steps his wife heard him exclaim, ‘Oh pray Master.’”165

  His body was found stabbed in six places and dismembered. The coroner claimed he “came to his death by being stabbed by some unknown parties.” The unmitigated violence of the act speaks to the mindset of these men. The killers wanted Arnold to feel pain as opposed to the quick death a bullet could provide; they were willing to expend extra effort on their part to inflict it.166

  There were many reported cases in which the killers sought to maximize suffering of the victims even at the expense of their own time and energy. In one case, a young freedman was abducted and “cut all to pieces in a horrible manner” with a bowie knife because he would not “hurrah for Seymour and Blair.” Similarly, a freedwoman was “shot in the abdomen” and left to die in a “gutter pleading for mercy.” Both of these instances
occurred in proximity to the parish courthouse in a clear demonstration that the law was of no concern to the perpetrators.167

  The killings did subside, at least openly, with the presence of federal troops. Governor Henry C. Warmoth’s request to General Lovell Rousseau for additional assistance to ensure a safe election was denied. It is uncertain why Rousseau denied the request. At best, he might have felt the move was unnecessary or that he did not have the manpower. At worst, he might not have been concerned with protecting the freedpeople. Regardless, Warmoth realized St. Bernard Parish was a lost cause for the Republican Party despite having a clear majority with approximately seven hundred registered Republicans. He issued a public statement requesting freedmen to avoid the polls in St. Bernard Parish and other volatile regions, as safety could not be guaranteed.168

  The political ramifications were dire. Every supervisor of registration authorized to conduct the election was jailed, murdered or fled. As a result, the sheriff supervised the election instead. Ulysses S. Grant received only one vote from St. Bernard Parish despite the parish having recently voted in a Republican judge, a Republican governor and a Republican constitution and having a Republican majority. All but one Republican running the elections received a single vote; the remaining Republican candidate got two. Except for one brave entity, black and white Republicans alike avoided the voting booths. The Democrats’ reign of terror succeeded in sealing a Seymour victory for the parish and throughout Louisiana. However, upon further investigation on the legality of the election in the parish, considering it was administered by the sheriff as opposed to legitimate supervisors, the federal government rendered the parish vote invalid. Overall, Grant won the nation due to the black vote, becoming the first president to win with a minority of the white vote. According to historian John C. Rodrigue, “Republicans captured the presidency in 1868, but white terror carried the day in Louisiana.”169