A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power

by Jimmy Carter

  The gardener for the owner’s family was quite friendly to Mama and surreptitiously gave her vegetables and sometimes flowers. He told her that he had a son and a daughter, but his income permitted only the boy to be in school. Having no other way to repay him, she offered to teach the young girl how to read and write. She sent us a photograph of the child sitting with her on a big rock during one of the lessons. My sister Gloria Carter Spann collected the letters that my mother wrote from India, and they were later published in a book, Away from Home: Letters to My Family, that was quite popular after I became president. Later the publisher used the photograph on the rock as the cover of the paperback edition.

  In 2006 Rosalynn and I led a group of Habitat for Humanity volunteers to build a hundred homes near Mumbai. We went a day early so we could visit Vikhroli, as guests of the Godrej family. They were very proud that we were visiting and had arranged for some of the people who had known Mama to meet us, including the doctor in whose clinic she worked and others who had been mentioned prominently in her letters. Almost a hundred people were assembled in a large room where Godrej consumer products were displayed, and we were all excited to meet each other. Toward the end of our scheduled time together, I noticed several copies of Mama’s book lying around and I asked what had happened to the young girl in the photograph on the cover. Mr. Godrej responded that she was present and motioned for her to stand. She told us that she was president of the local university. Having spent my life in a society where there is little distinction between male and female students in educational opportunity, I still become emotional when I recount this vivid example of the advantages of education in the life of often excluded girls in the developing world.

  Although I teach Bible lessons regularly, there are some parts of the New Testament and Hebrew text that I avoid, especially those that can be interpreted as promoting unnecessary violence or violating the basic standards of justice. There was a period in my life when I spent a lot of time studying the details of the Koran and how certain passages were interpreted by different believers. When I was president and American hostages were being held by Shiite Muslims in Iran, and during the war that followed between the Iranian Shiites and the Sunni Muslims in Iraq, I wanted to understand how I might use their religious beliefs to secure the release of the American diplomats and help bring peace to the region. I read through an English translation of their holy book, and the State Department and CIA provided some Islamic experts who conducted a series of sessions in the Oval Office to give me more detailed explanations. I came to understand more clearly how, in all major faiths, there is the essence of justice, peace, and compassion but that biased interpreters can twist their meaning.

  As in Christian communities, the societal status of women varies widely within the Islamic world, and we in the West quite often fail to understand the high degree of political freedom and equality many of them enjoy. The Carter Center has monitored elections in Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, Libya, Tunisia, Indonesia, Palestine, and Sudan, and we have assisted in preparation for elections in Bangladesh. In all these countries, as well as in Algeria, Iraq, Oman, Kuwait, Morocco, Syria, Mauritania, and Yemen and a number of others where Sharia law has a major influence, women and men have equal voting rights. There is no religious impediment to equal political rights for women ordained in the Koran.

  This is a moment of truth, and people of faith working for human rights must be honest and acknowledge the role our own leadership plays for good or ill. We must speak out about the power of Islam to affect positive change in the lives of women, girls, and all people. We must take responsibility to spread this message. We should not wait for leaders to tell us, we should begin in childhood, at the grassroots, to educate our young about human rights, peace-building, and coexistence. By raising the voices of the voiceless, here we become a chorus and in sharing our ideas we support each other’s efforts to advance the course of human rights around the world.

  ALHAJI KHUZAIMA, EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, ISLAMIC PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL IN GHANA

  Saudi Arabia is a special case when dealing with the issue of gender equality. Saudi women have never been granted voting rights but may be permitted to vote in 2015, at least in municipal elections. There is a 150-member Consultative Assembly, or Shura, whose limited authority includes proposing laws for the king to consider, and it is encouraging to note that in 2013 he appointed thirty women as members. There is no doubt that Saudi Arabia plays the leadership role in the Islamic world, with its enormous wealth and its sovereign being the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques. As president, I learned how valuable their assistance could be during some of my most challenging days. When Iran and Iraq went to war and their oil was removed from the world’s supply, the Saudi king sent word to me that his kingdom would greatly increase production to help stabilize prices. There was an outpouring of condemnation from Arab leaders when I announced plans to go to Camp David with Israel and Egypt to negotiate a peace agreement, but I received quiet assurance from Saudi Arabia of their backing, and the king was the first to call me with congratulations when I left Egypt after announcing that a peace agreement was concluded.

  These expressions of support were not made public because the Saudis strive to maintain harmony among the twenty-two members of the Arab League, and they deviate from majority opinion only with reluctance. Later, in 2002, Crown Prince (now King) Abdullah proposed an offer of peace with Israel based on recognition of the pre-1967 border between Israel and Palestine, which was supported by all Arab leaders and subsequently by the fifty-six Islamic nations (including Iran). When we launched the Carter Center program to eradicate Guinea worm in Asia and Africa, I went to Saudi Arabia to request a contribution from the king. One of my key points of persuasion was that this was a terrible affliction in Yemen and Pakistan and in African countries where many Muslims lived. He smiled and responded, “We will contribute $9 million, but want it to be used equally among people of all faiths.”

  On one of the visits that Rosalynn and I made to Riyadh, there had been an extraordinary rainfall of several inches just before our arrival, and pumps and tanker trucks were all over the city attempting to remove the standing water from low places. We were informed that King Fahd and his entourage were about 250 miles away in the desert, where he was meeting with tribal chieftains who had come to consult with him. The next day we boarded a helicopter for a flight to the encampment, and we were amazed at how the desert had blossomed with flowers, almost overnight. From the air we saw dozens of large tents arranged in a circle; connected to each one was a mobile home with attached electric generators and satellite antennae. A few miles over the sand dunes we could see a similar but smaller campsite that our pilot told us was for women.

  Rosalynn was whisked away by Land Rover to join the women when we landed, while I joined the men. We lounged against large pillows on beautiful carpets spread on the leveled sand, and I spent a few hours discussing official business with the king. Then he granted my wish to observe the proceedings as a series of tribal chieftains came in to pay their respects, make their requests, and discuss matters of common interest. I spent two nights with them and enjoyed wonderful meals and entertainment. A number of sheep were roasted over charcoal flames, and we had a special treat of desert truffles that had been found after the rain. There were long and relaxed conversations around the campfires, with many vivid accounts of warfare and ribald stories about bedroom conquests and how the men choose the four wives permitted by their faith. Late each night we went into the luxurious air-conditioned mobile homes.

  We knew about the strict dress codes for women, we had never seen women alone on the city streets, and we knew they were not permitted to drive an automobile or ride a bicycle. Each woman had an assigned male guardian, and only men could vote or hold public office. I was feeling somewhat sorry for Rosalynn, who I thought was stuck with a group of women whose faces were concealed and who were constrained by being treated as second-class citizens. Instead she had one of the
most exciting and enjoyable visits of her life. The women bubbled over with pleasure as they extolled their enhanced status in Saudi society, with its special protection, plus freedom and privilege. They described their family vacations in more permissive Arab countries and special excursions to the French Riviera or the Swiss Alps. Her companions were, of course, mostly members of the royal family and wives and daughters of sheikhs and desert leaders, but we later learned that other women in the kingdom relish some customs that Westerners consider deprivations.

  Changes are taking place. A majority of Saudi working women have a college education (compared to 16 percent of working men), and almost 60 percent of university students are women. However, about 78 percent of female university graduates are unemployed because of religious and cultural opposition. One manager of a grocery chain is challenging this policy and recently said, “We are promoting recruitment of Saudi women because they have a low level of attrition, a better attention to detail, a willingness to perform and productivity about twice that of Saudi men.” Despite his best efforts, however, fewer than 5 percent of his employees are Saudi women. A Gallup poll in December 2007 indicated that the majority of women and men support women’s rights to work and to drive. In October 2013 dozens of Saudi women in several cities protested the ban by openly driving; unlike in previous demonstrations, they were neither arrested nor punished.

  The issue of polygamy comes up often in discussions with Muslims, and the key verse in the English translation of the Koran is 4:3: “If ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, marry women of your choice, two or three or four; but if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or that which your right hands possess, that will be more suitable, to prevent you from doing injustice.” This scripture is interpreted in various ways in the Islamic world. As when the Bible was written many centuries earlier, husbands were all-powerful, and the desires and interests of women were considered to be relatively insignificant. I have discussed this issue with desert chiefs and other influential men in Arab countries, and most feel that the Koran permits them to have as many as four wives at a time. They usually emphasize that the intention of the Prophet was to enhance the status of women and orphans and that in modern days the willingness of the potential brides and the approval of existing wives are factors in determining the expansion of a family with additional marriages.

  The Saudi ambassador in Washington, Prince Bandar, was especially helpful to me when I was president, and I invited him down to Georgia to observe our remarkable pointer and setter dogs in a quail hunt. We were on a large plantation in southwest Georgia, and after spending all day on horseback we enjoyed a typical southern supper and then gathered around an outdoor campfire with some friends of mine. They were quite interested in learning about hunting with falcons and plied the ambassador with many questions about his nation. One early query was, “How many wives do you have?” He replied, “I have only one, like many of my younger countrymen, but the Koran permits as many as four—at a time.” He explained that a wife could be divorced just by the husband saying “I divorce thee” three times. Under further questioning, he commented that one of the senior princes had had fifty-six wives but had always retained his first wife as head of his household and never had more than four at a time. Each of those who were divorced was given a nice home and a stipend for life.

  Islamic women at The Carter Center Human Rights Defenders Forum in 2013 insisted that the consequences for many women in multiple marriages could be devastating. They sometimes have little choice about who and when they marry, and because husbands have the religious and political authority to make all the decisions, wives suffer uncertainty about the future for themselves and their children.

  The place of religion in our societies and in many states today, particularly in the Middle East, is the determining issue for our future. The issue of women’s rights is the main battleground for determining the identity of a nation. If we protect women’s rights, we get everything right. If we do not protect women’s rights, everything will disintegrate. We have to settle the place of religion in our societies, and discuss it without fear of intimidation. When a society has not invested in protecting women against violence, religious leaders must stand up and demand that the state do so, with measures like street lights, police training, and prosecution of violators. The United Nations Human Rights Council has called upon all governments to prioritize such actions.

  MONA RISHMAWI, OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

  The first extended overseas trip I made after leaving the White House was to China, to accept a long-standing invitation from Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping. In addition to visiting some of the most notable tourist sites with my family and a few friends, we also went to a number of rural areas where the first small and cautious experiments in free enterprise were becoming visible. Deng especially wanted me to witness one experiment, which was limited at that time just to farm families who did not live in a village or town. They were granted the right to grow their own private crops on as much as 15 percent of the land on communal farms and could have one small private commercial venture and retain the earnings. For instance, a family could repair bicycles, make horseshoes, produce iron nails, mold clay pots, or have as many as five chickens, pigs, goats, mink, or sheep, but only one of these enterprises at a time, and they could retain the income. The most impressive thing we observed was how proud and enthusiastic the chosen families were, and the apparent equality of treatment of women in managing the choice projects. This was something we had rarely seen in the developing world, before we began our later projects in Africa.

  Rosalynn and I have visited China regularly since I left public office and have seen the improvements in the status of women. Statistics show that in education and employment they have equal opportunity, and their numbers in these areas are increasing rapidly. Marriage laws have removed sexual discrimination, and of the 2,987 members of the National People’s Congress, 699 (23.4 percent) are women. There are now fourteen female cabinet officers, although women have never been represented among the top officials in the Central Committee. Forbes lists several Chinese women billionaires, and the Grant Thornton “International Business Report” states that half of senior management jobs in China are held by women, far above only 20 percent in the United States and a global average of 24 percent.

  Nicholas Kristof, who lived for many years in China, writes in Half the Sky that “no country has made as much progress in improving the status of women as China has. Over the past one hundred years, it has become—at least in the cities—one of the best places to grow up female.” This notable improvement is related directly to the role that women played in the Chinese Communist Party’s long military struggle for power. A treatise entitled “Women in the Chinese Revolution (1921–1950)” states, “The battle for women’s emancipation was closely tied up with the battle for social revolution in which they fought side by side with men.” In 1950 the Marriage Law declared, “The arbitrary and compulsory feudal marriage system, which is based on the superiority of men over women, and which ignores the interests of children is abolished. The ‘New Democratic Marriage System,’ based on free choice of partners, on monogamy, on equal rights for both sexes and on protection of the lawful interests of women and children, shall be put into effect.” It did not recognize a head of household and accorded equal status in the family to husband and wife.

  There are exemplary guarantees of equal treatment in the laws of China and the ratification of the key international agreements, but the ancient traditions of gender discrimination are persistent, especially in remote rural areas. Officials explain that many women who held the higher-paying jobs in rural areas resigned and moved to the cities, leaving others behind, and claim that they are struggling to correct this disparity.

  With a commitment to human rights as the foundation for our foreign policy when I was president, our nation abandoned its h
istoric alliance with the dictatorships of Latin America. We observed with interest—but without involvement—the revolution in Nicaragua that was successful in overthrowing the regime of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979. The revolutionary forces were headed by the Sandinistas but included a wide coalition of academics, business and professional leaders, and especially women. Women composed at least 30 percent of combatants in the revolutionary army, and their influence in shaping the new legal structure was unprecedented in the Western Hemisphere’s independence struggles, with gender equality being a primary goal of the new government. One of the revolutionary leaders who came to visit me in the White House, along with the Sandinistas and others, was Violeta Chamorro, who was to be elected president of the nation in the first free and fair election, in 1990. Although she was timid in promoting women’s issues during her time in office, the revolutionary commitment to women’s rights has prevailed over the years. Nicaragua has by far the largest portion of women in Parliament in the Americas, at 40 percent. There have recently been some disturbing restrictions on the fairness and transparency of the electoral process and women’s access to reproductive health services, but Nicaragua still stands out among all other countries in this hemisphere as foremost in gender equality, as measured by the World Economic Forum. In fact, only nine nations ranked higher than Nicaragua in this regard. Most European countries ranked lower, and the United States ranked only twenty-third.

  It is not easy to determine or predict what historical events can help to equalize the status of women, but their enhanced status in China and Nicaragua indicates that military service contributes to this increased influence. Most Western nations admit women to serve on active duty in some capacity other than in the medical corps, and the United States has recently begun to assign women to combat roles, as do Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Israel, Italy, New Zealand, Norway, Serbia, Sweden, Switzerland, and Taiwan. Their performance has been exemplary, and they have overcome the misgivings of many skeptics, including me. I have learned that my former doubts about the service of women were unjustified. Being “equal” in the military service helps to ensure that women will be more likely to demand and achieve the same status as men in political and economic matters.