by Hughes, Ian
Hearing of the arrival of Narses the eunuch in Picenum, Belisarius travelled to join forces with him, leaving Rome in mid June 538. Narses was accompanied by 5,000 men with their commanders, including Justinus, the magister militum per Illyricum, and Narses, brother of Aratius, who together had beaten Belisarius in battle in the east (see above and Chapter 8). They were accompanied by 2,000 Heruls led by Visandus, Aluith and Phanitheus.
The two generals met near Firmum and held a conference to decide upon strategy. There appeared to be two options that Belisarius could take. One was to assault and take Auximus before attempting to relieve the siege of Ariminum. This would take time and Ariminum could fall before it could be relieved. The other course was to bypass Auximus. This could allow him to arrive at Ariminum in time to lift the siege, but would be at risk of attack from the rear by forces moving out from Auximus.
The talks split the officers into two distinct groups, centred around Narses the eunuch and Belisarius. One stated that they needed to relieve Ariminum, since John had some excellent troops there and he was a brave and energetic commander. This view was supported by Narses, more so as John was a personal friend of his. The other maintained that John was there by his own choice and because he had refused to obey Belisarius’ commands. This was supported by those who had followed Belisarius throughout the campaign, and especially those who had served in Africa.
The episode illustrates the division inherent within the Byzantine military framework. Narses the eunuch was a personal friend of John, and was backed by those who had come with him, especially Narses and Aratius the Armenians, since they were fellow countrymen of Narses the eunuch. Those loyal to Belisarius wished John to be punished for his disobedience. Whilst the argument was being waged, a letter arrived from John stating that his supplies would only last seven days before he would be forced to surrender. This was the spur Belisarius needed to make his decision. John and Ariminum would be saved from the Goths.
Belisarius’ strategy was to make the Goths believe that they were being faced with a force that greatly outnumbered their own. Accordingly, he divided his forces into four. Aratius and 1,000 men were to make a camp near to Auximus in an attempt to pin the Gothic garrison within the city. They were not to fight except in self-defence. A large force under the command of Ildiger, with Herodian, Uliaris and Narses brother of Aratius were to go by sea to Ariminum, but were not to land near the city unless other Byzantine forces were close by. Another large force under Martinus was to march along the coast road, lighting campfires equivalent to those of a far larger force to deceive the Goths into thinking that the force was bigger then it was in reality. Belisarius himself, along with Narses, would lead the remainder inland via Urvisalia and so come upon Ariminum from a different direction. Procopius (Wars, VI.xvii.12) gives the reason for these deployments: the Goths still outnumbered the Byzantines and so Belisarius was unwilling to fight a conventional battle. Therefore, if the Goths saw three Byzantine armies of unknown size – one of which was making itself appear bigger than in reality -approaching from different directions, they would hopefully panic and raise the siege without a fight.
This strategy received a major boost when Belisarius was only one day’s travel from Ariminum. His army unexpectedly met a force of Goths and killed the majority of them, the remainder hiding nearby until nightfall. These then returned to Ariminum under cover of darkness and claimed that Belisarius was approaching with a large host. As a result, the Goths made preparations to fight Belisarius as he approached the north of the city. Yet that same night the many camp fires lit by Martinus were observed about 60 stades (approximately 7.5 miles) to the east along the coast. The Goths were now filled with fear, which was heightened at daybreak when the Byzantine fleet came into view with Ildiger’s troops on board. The Goths did not wait, but gathered most of their belongings and retreated to Ravenna. The siege was raised without a fight and John emerged from the city looking pale and emaciated.
The whole strategy displays Belisarius’ abilities as a commander. He was able to foresee the enemy’s response and so make maximum use of the forces available. It was an excellent piece of generalship and won the day without a single casualty.
Internal divisions
Unfortunately, the division in the Byzantine army between Belisarius and Narses was now deepened by the actions of John. Upon the relief of the town, the first person to the city was Ildiger, and when Belisarius implied that John owed a debt to Belisarius’ son-in-law, John replied that his gratitude was to Narses the eunuch, suggesting that Belisarius had only come to his aid after being persuaded to act.
John’s response deserves examination. Although the statement has been interpreted by Procopius as an insult to Belisarius, there may have been more to the reply. In the early Roman Empire, citizens of Rome were bound to one another by the client/patron system. No doubt by the time of Justinian the system had changed, and probably drastically, but the idea of owing a personal debt still remained. It is possible that John was not being insulting as such, but was attempting to avoid an obligation to someone with whom he was at odds politically. In Chapter 2 the complex system in which the bureaucracy and the military operated was outlined. It is likely that if John had accepted Belisarius’ comment without demur he would have been obligated to repay Ildiger at some later date in a manner which he would not like. Furthermore, Ildiger was a relative of Belisarius, a man who John had just disobeyed.
By his remaining in Ariminum after Belisarius had specifically ordered him to leave the city, John had laid himself open to attack. It is clear that John, and Narses the eunuch, did not share Belisarius’ opinions concerning the strategy to be used to defeat the Goths. Maybe John was unconvinced about Belisarius’ military ability as, although he had conquered the Vandals easily, he had not done too well in Persia. The alleged dismissal of the Gothic threat by both John and Narses is likely to have led to the conclusion that Belisarius was of only limited talent. Consequently, John may have wanted Narses, both his friend and certainly a gifted general, to be appointed to the command in Italy. Whatever the cause of the friction, it soon bore fruit for the Goths. Belisarius and John were now intensely unsure of each other. The conflict within the army now increased to a greater level. Narses’ aides now began to turn the eunuch against Belisarius, declaring that a man who was a close confidant of the emperor should not be taking orders from a mere general. Realising that things were getting out of hand, Belisarius called a meeting.
At this meeting, Belisarius pointed out that the Byzantine position was now slightly precarious, since they were surrounded by the Gothic garrisons in Ravenna, Auximus, and other cities round to Urviventus. Accordingly, he proposed to send troops to Milan to raise the siege of Mundilas’ forces whilst he and the rest of the army advanced to attempt the siege of Auximus. This would allow the Byzantines more room and extricate them from their current vulnerable position. He also warned Narses that he and his supporters were underestimating the strength of the Goths due to the ease with which they had relieved Ariminum. John and Narses may have believed that the Goths were unable to defend themselves and that Belisarius’ incompetence was delaying the conquest.
Narses agreed with most of the plan, but argued that Narses and his ‘allies’, including Aratius, would go to the region of Aemilia, which the Goths were attempting to secure. As well as saving the region, this would simultaneously pin down enemy forces in Ravenna, allowing Belisarius and his troops an almost free hand to do as they wished. He suggested that an attempt on Auximus would fail without such a diversion, as the troops in Ravenna could easily move south and attack the Byzantines in the rear. Being outnumbered and surrounded would be disastrous for the Byzantines.
After some thought, Belisarius, who was worried about splitting his forces too much and leaving them vulnerable, decided that the final decision was his to make. He therefore showed his letter of appointment to Narses, stating that Narses was his subordinate and, as stated in the letter, all shou
ld follow Belisarius ‘in the best interests of the state’ (Proc, Wars, VI.xviii. 12-29). Showing that he was well versed in Byzantine politics, Narses focused on the last sentence and declared that Belisarius was not acting in the best interests of the state and in that case the letter could be disregarded. The complexities of Byzantine politics had come home to roost.
Yet when Belisarius did act, he did not follow the plan outlined above, deciding instead to spend winter in Rome. However, before the end of the campaigning season he had the chance to further restrict the Goths’ control of Italy. As a consequence, on the way back to Rome, he sent Peranius and a strong force to besiege Urviventus, himself leading the rest of the army to lay siege to Urbinus. Narses, John and their adherents followed Belisarius but set up their camp on the opposite side of the city. The envoys that Belisarius sent failed to convince the garrison that they should surrender, so Belisarius began to prepare siege engines with which to assault the city. John, who had on a previous occasion decided not to attempt to attack the city, declared that the city could not be taken. Narses agreed with him, and, although Belisarius begged him to stay, their forces abandoned the siege and returned to Ariminum.
Belisarius’ luck now came to his aid again. As he was preparing to assault the city, the spring inside the city upon which the garrison relied for water inexplicably failed. As the assault troops moved towards the city, the Goths appeared on the walls and surrendered to Belisarius. It was now mid December 538 and Belisarius continued on his journey to Rome.
Astonished and dejected by Belisarius’ success in a venture he had declared impossible, Narses sent John to take Caesena whilst he remained in Ariminum. The assault failed with heavy casualties, but, undaunted, John moved fast and took Forocornelius (modern Imola) by surprise. Alarmed, the Goths in the area retreated and so John secured Aemilia for Narses.
Meanwhile, hearing from Peranius that the Goths in Urviventus were short of supplies, Belisarius detoured to the town and waited for the inevitable. Shortly after his arrival, the Gothic garrison surrendered.
The loss of Milan
Belisarius could finally return to Rome and set up his winter headquarters in the city, but he had one more action to take before the end of the year. In late December, he sent Martinus and Uliaris to lift the siege of Milan. However, daunted by the crossing of the River Po (possibly in flood due to the seasonal rains) and unsure of the strength of the forces of Uraias, they did not dare to cross the river. Learning that friends were nearby, Mundilas smuggled a message out of Milan, saying that the city was in dire straits. Unsure of what to do, and hearing that John and Justinus were close by in Aemilia, Martinus sent to Belisarius asking for them to join him as reinforcements. Belisarius now ordered John and Justinus to join Martinus. They refused, stating that Narses was their commander. Belisarius now sent a message to Narses, asking him to order John and Justinus to go and aid Martinus raise the siege of Milan. Narses did as Belisarius had asked, and John travelled to the coast to collect ships to transport the army across the Po. On the way, he fell ill and stopped.
With the delay of the relief force, and with famine beginning to take hold, Uraias sent envoys asking for the surrender of the city and pledging the safety of the troops inside. The citizens, however, would have no such pledges as they had betrayed the Goths. Despite Mundilas’ protests, the troops agreed to surrender and were escorted to safety outside the walls. The date was February or March 539. The city was now sacked, the men being killed and the women and treasures given to the Burgundians as thanks for their assistance. A further result of the surrender of Milan was that all of the cites in Liguria with a Byzantine garrison, including Bergomum, Comum and Novaria, quickly surrendered to the Goths to avoid the same fate.
With the imminent arrival of spring, Belisarius was preparing for the new campaign season when news arrived of the loss of Milan. Stung by the inactivity of Uliaris, for at least Martinus had requested aid in the attempt to relieve the city, Belisarius refused to speak to him again. Finally, he sent a letter to the emperor outlining the situation and explaining the course of events.
As a final blow to the pretensions of the invaders, when spring arrived it became apparent that their activities in Italy had caused the disruption of the normal agricultural routines and many crops now failed. In the ensuing famine thousands died and Procopius even gives examples of Italians turning to cannibalism in order to survive (Wars, VI.xx. 26–7).
Narses recalled
After receiving Belisarius’ letter, Justinian did not apportion blame or take any action against individuals. Instead, he simply recalled Narses and again gave Belisarius overall command, this time ensuring that there would be no repeat of Narses’ reinterpretation of the text.
Unfortunately, the Heruls that had arrived with Narses refused to stay with Belisarius in Italy. Making their own way out of Italy, they met Uraias and a Gothic force and sold all of their Gothic captives back to the Goths, simultaneously taking an oath not to fight the Goths again. However, meeting Vitalius in the lands of the Veneti, they were overcome with shame and so left Visandus and his troops in the region whilst the remainder returned to Constantinople.
Possibly at the same time as the arrival of the letter recalling Narses, or only shortly thereafter, the Gothic envoys that had been sent to Constantinople in December 537, towards the end of the siege of Rome, were sent back by Justinian. Belisarius retained them in his camp, demanding the release of Peter and Athanasius, the envoys who had been held captive since 536. The Goths agreed to the exchange and the Byzantine envoys were finally released. Belisarius sent them to Constantinople, where Justinian treated them with great honour.
Belisarius lays his plans
Now that he again had sole control of the army, Belisarius laid his plans for the new year’s campaign. He decided to take Auximus and Fisula in order to clear the roads to Ravenna from Gothic garrisons. In this way he would ensure that when he did arrive at the Gothic capital he need not fear an attack from the rear. Accordingly, he sent Cyprian and Justinus with their own men, plus a force of Isaurian infantry and a further 500 infantry from the unit commanded by Demetrius, to begin the siege of Fisula. In order to protect them from an attack by Uraias in Milan, he commanded Martinus and John to lead their forces to the Po and so block any attempt by Uraias to raise the siege. If they were unable to stop him, they were to pursue Uraias and continuously harass the rear of his army. Cyprian and Justinus advanced to Fisula and laid siege to the city, whilst Martinus and John advanced to the Po and took Dorthon (Tortona), an unwalled city, to act as their base. Belisarius himself now moved to attack Auximus.
Learning that Belisarius would soon be attacking Ravenna, Witigis despaired and cast around for sources of help. First, he sent envoys to Vaces, ruler of the Lombards, but they were informed that the Lombards were, in fact, already allied to Justinian. Whilst in conference with his councillors, the Goths realised that the Byzantines had only been able to fight in Africa and Italy due to the peace treaty with Persia. They decided to send envoys to Khusrow, but also chose not to send Goths as their intentions would be plain and may delay talks. Therefore, they bribed two Ligurian priests to pose as a bishop and his retainer and in that guise act as envoys in order to persuade Khusrow to declare war on Justinian.
Meanwhile, Belisarius with the bulk of the army, numbering some 11,000 men, advanced and laid siege to Auximus. The date was either April or May 539. The city was strongly fortified and well sited on the top of a hill. As it controlled the approaches to Ravenna from the south, Witigis had left a strong garrison of proven troops to hold the city and thus act as an advance guard to protect Ravenna itself. Upon their arrival, Belisarius sent his troops to make a circle of camps around the city. Seeing that the Byzantines had become widely spread during the process of building their camps, the Goths sallied from the city and attacked the troops around Belisarius late in the afternoon. Defeated, they retreated to the city and prepared to resist the Byzantine assault.
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On the previous day a group of Goths had been sent out of the city to organise provisions. Unaware of the Byzantine approach, these now returned and were caught outside the city. Some managed to sneak into the city, but the rest were destroyed by the Byzantine troops. Belisarius now assessed the defences of the city and decided that it was impossible to take it by assault. Therefore, he decided to put the city under a close siege and so starve the defenders into submission.
As the Byzantines settled down to the siege, they observed that there was an area of lush grass growing near the walls and that the Goths were in the habit of leaving the city to harvest the grass as food for their horses. Consequently, every day there was a small battle between the Byzantines and Goths as the Goths attempted to gather the forage for their mounts and the Byzantines attempted to stop them. Eventually, the Goths decided to ambush the Byzantines. Noting that the hillside around the grass was cut by ravines, they hid men in the depressions and then sent out their foragers as usual. When the Byzantines attacked and were fully engaged, the troops in the ravines leapt out and took the Byzantines by surprise, driving them off with heavy losses and so allowing the forage party to finish their work in peace.
The Goths repeated this tactic several times: although nearby Byzantine troops could see the ambush, their cries were drowned out by the noise that the Goths made during the fighting. Procopius now suggested to Belisarius that the trumpets of the cavalry could be used to sound the attack, and the trumpets of the infantry the retreat. The two trumpets made very different sounds, since those of the cavalry were made of leather and thin wood whilst those of the infantry were made of brass. On the next occasion that the Goths gathered grass, they were attacked by the Byzantines as usual but when they sprang their ambush, the infantry trumpets were blown and the Byzantines retired in safety.