Washington

by Douglas Southall Freeman

  Non-payment for lands and poor collections on rentals did not completely account for the General’s financial embarrassments. Taxes were heavy. Mount Vernon hospitality, still extensive and expensive, continued and the number of mouths to be fed on the plantation grew by natural increase. Furthermore, others close to him had need of money also, and they were not refused. On May 1 Washington made a loan of $1500 to Lear. In answer to his nephew, Samuel Washington, threatened with attachment of his Negroes, he wrote that he would lend $1000, “but not one cent beyond; as that sum will take nearly every farthing I have in the bank and is insufficient to meet demands which, every moment, I expect will be made upon myself.” The imminent call was for his houses in the Federal City, on which advances were to be paid the builder at the beginning of the work.

  On the morning of April 24 Washington rode to Alexandria. It was election day in Virginia. As he cast his vote for Henry Lee, Congressional candidate from Fairfax, Washington wished success also for John Marshall, Congressional candidate from the Richmond district. A few days later, he learned with “infinite pleasure” of Marshall’s victory, though the margin of votes was less than Washington had hoped. Lee also had been elected, by an even smaller majority.

  The end of May found the General in the Federal City for two days. His houses were under construction at last, and he wished to make inspection. Soon after his return to Mount Vernon, rumors of Patrick Henry’s death that had persisted for several weeks were displaced by the fact that he had passed away June 6. “I sincerely lament his death as a friend,” Washington wrote Marshall, “and the loss of his eminent talents as a patriot I consider as peculiarly unfortunate at this critical juncture of our affairs.”

  The General was puzzled at the delay in his old friend Jonathan Trumbull’s letter, dated June 22 but received at Mount Vernon July 20. He was not aware that it had been sent to Oliver Wolcott first, with a suggestion that the Secretary of the Treasury pass it to Pickering and any others to whom the subject properly might be disclosed. Evidently, the communication was pondered leisurely before Wolcott sent it on to Mount Vernon. Washington had not come forward in a statement to George Cabot, if indeed he knew the Senator had expressed the belief that he “would doubtless yield to the necessity” of a third term rather than submit to election of a “French President,” but now to like proposals by Governor Trumbull and his brother John he answered: “Prudence on my part must arrest any attempt at the well meant, but mistaken views of my friends, to introduce me again to the chair of government.” He would serve in defence of his country, “which every citizen is bound to do,” but nothing, Washington knew, ever could persuade him to reenter civil service.

  “It would be a matter of sore regret to me,” Washington said, “if I could believe that a serious thought was turned towards me as [Adams’] successor.” In realistic fashion he explained: “For although I have abundant cause to be thankful for the good health with which I am blessed, yet I am not insensible to my declination in other respects. It would be criminal therefore in me, although it should be the wish of my countrymen, and I could be elected, to accept an office under this conviction. . . .” He urged, let there be “no eye, no tongue, no thought” turned towards him for this purpose. “A mind that has been constantly on the stretch since the year 1753, with but short intervals and little relaxation,” he concluded, “requires rest and composure. . . .”

  For a time the General feared an indisposition might prevent a ride to Georgetown on August 5 for an important meeting of the Potomac Company stockholders, but recovery was quick and he rode over from Mount Vernon. Washington did not feel altogether secure about the Company’s future because of half-hearted support, but he hoped the business could be “rescued from its present sloth.” So convinced was he that to complete the navigational project would be to establish “one of, if not the most productive funds . . .” of any business in the country, that he told Charles Carroll: “If I had the means and was anxious to provide for those who may step into my shoes when I go hence, I would not hesitate a moment to complete the work at my own expence, receiving proportionate tolls.” There was time also for a view of his Federal City houses, and he went prepared to pay the builder another $1000. The sooner the houses were ready, the sooner Washington could enjoy return on his investment.

  Information that France finally had met with effective resistance in Europe and that her internal situation was not easy augured well for America—at least the Commander-in-Chief had thought so for a while. Now he feared that the Directory’s knowledge of the new mission might cost the United States the advantage. “I wish this nomination and appointment may not be productive of embarrassment in the measures of this Government,” he said. He knew the choice was one between difficulties. To pursue the plan for negotiation was to invite unpredictable consequences; to withdraw from it would be to “arm the opposition with fresh weapons” for renewed attack on the administration.

  Civil government long had been the object of Republican attack, and now it appeared that the military was to share the invectives of the press. Washington certainly had no wish for active campaigning at the head of the Army, but most certainly he wished there might be an effective force and one worthy of the name. The staffing and recruiting had shown little perceptible progress, though Hamilton continued his exertions to establish a fine provisional force. He wrote often to Mount Vernon and, Washington knew, his letters of instruction and inquiry to McHenry were almost continuous.

  While Washington read with regret of yellow fever again in Philadelphia, he watched a severe drought parch the Potomac cornfields and ruin the oats. More direct distress came to the Mansion House towards the end of August. Martha was taken with an ague and fever, though she kept on her feet for a time. At midnight on September 5 she became very ill, and Washington summoned Doctor Craik, who arrived with the early morning. After a second visit from the Doctor, the patient showed slight improvement. To add to his harassment, Washington’s farm manager also was indisposed and it looked as if he could not perform his duties properly without jeopardy to his health. Washington must devise a way by which he could simplify his manager’s business without complicating his own. When his anxiety for Martha was lessened somewhat, he wrote Anderson the result of his deliberations: Perhaps the manager would like to confine his efforts to the mill and distillery which Washington would rent him on such terms as Anderson thought fair and operate them for his own benefit, while Washington would plan to take over the management of the plantation as soon as it could be reduced in scale. There should be no difficulty in leasing the fishery at the ferry. Then, if a further idea for the disposal of one of his farms matured, the compass of Mount Vernon affairs would be narrowed sufficiently “to make the superintendence of them a mere matter of amusement.”

  In references that were casual and quite matter-of-fact, Washington had by 1799 come to speak frequently of the limited days that remained to him. This was not due to apprehension of imminent death, but simply to his awareness that he was not far from the Biblical “three score and ten.” His “greatest anxiety” was to leave all his own affairs and those of others for which he was responsible “in such a clear and distinct form . . . that no reproach may attach itself to me when I have taken my departure for the land of spirits.”

  Washington had thought seriously about his will during the months after Nelly’s wedding. Before the document could be written many decisions had to be made. What he wished to administer and perpetuate was more than mere investment in lands and houses, servants and time, crops and horses and equipment; it was investment in a way of living. Much of the owner and his forebears was represented in the worldly wealth Washington now contemplated as a whole. His deepest interest and his untiring energy had gone into its acquisition; his best efforts had been devoted to its care. He must use his wisest judgment in its disposition; something of himself would be a part of each bequest. What he had acquired with ambition and protected with zeal, he would distribute wit
h infinite care.

  Ready at last, he wrote on July 9: “In the name of God amen, 1 George Washington of Mount Vernon—a citizen of the United States,—and lately President of the same, do make, ordain and declare this Instrument . . . to be my last Will & Testament, revoking all others.”

  A brief paragraph directed that all his debts be “punctually and speedily paid” and then—the first Item: “To my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington I give and Bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole Estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specifically disposed of hereafter. . . .” His improved lot in Alexandria, the household furnishings and supplies of every sort he would leave to her in fee simple. For the rest of his possessions, when their usefulness for her would have ended in her death, he must make specific bequests.

  Before further treatment of material things, his desire concerning the Negroes must be made clear. Had there been a practicable way by which he could dispossess himself of slaves, he would have done so long ago, but he was “principled against selling Negroes, as you would cattle in the market.” It would give him the greatest satisfaction now if he could with a sweep of his pen order their freedom at the time of his death, but this he could not do. Dower Negroes had married with other dower slaves in some instances, more often with other Negroes on the estate or in the neighborhood. Unless all were freed together, an insuperable problem would result. But if he offered them freedom upon Martha’s demise, then all could be manumitted at the same time. This he would do. His body servant, William, was the single exception; Washington would grant him immediate freedom if he wished it. The choice would be Billy’s but in either event, he should receive an annuity of thirty dollars, “as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his faithful services during the Revolution.”

  His thoughts next turned to education. He assigned twenty shares of his stock in the Bank of Alexandria, in trust, to the free school for poor and orphan children attached to the Alexandria Academy. Still intent upon a national university, the General designated his shares of Potomac Company stock for that purpose. With confirmation of his earlier gift of shares in the James River Company to Liberty Hall Academy, he turned from public to personal bequests.

  At last, Washington must have thought, he could clear up the estate of his brother Samuel which had given him so much concern. He would release it of all money owing him and at the same time acquit the heirs of Samuel’s deceased son, Thornton, and two other sons, George Steptoe and Lawrence Augustine, from repayment of funds advanced for their schooling. Likewise, he would erase the balance due from the estate of Martha’s brother, Bartholomew Dandridge. Charles Carter, husband of Washington’s niece, Betty Lewis, had purchased Fredericksburg lots from him; if the titles were not secured at the time of his death, the General wished them to be made so without further payment. A nephew, William Augustine Washington, should have the claim to certain property in and near Richmond, as well as a parcel of land in Prince George County, Virginia. All the papers in his possession relating to his civil and military administrations, as well as those of a private nature, the General would leave to Bushrod Washington. His library should be given this nephew on Martha’s demise.

  Any money collected from the lands he had sold, leased, or conditionally sold was to be invested in bank stock; the dividends from this and other stock to be paid Martha during her lifetime. The gold-headed crab-tree cane left him by Benjamin Franklin—what better hands could hold it than those of his one surviving brother, Charles? Lawrence and Robert Washington, of Chotank, Washington wished to be remembered with his two other gold-headed canes, and each of them should have one of the spyglasses he had used in the Revolution. “To my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend”—the devoted Doctor Craik—should go his bureau or tambour secretary and the circular chair now in his study. For Doctor Stuart, warm friend and member of the family by marriage, there should be the large shaving and dressing table and his fine telescope. His Bible in three large folio volumes, with notes—who but the Reverend Fairfax, more recently Bryan, Lord Fairfax, should receive it? That pair of “finely wrought steel pistols” taken from the British in the Revolutionary War—they should be fitting and pleasing to General Lafayette. There should be mourning rings, valued at one hundred dollars each, for two sisters-in-law, Hannah Washington and Mildred Washington; for Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington of Fairfield, and Elisabeth Washington. “These bequests,” wrote the General, “are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem & regard.”

  Next on the list was Lear. There had been no one who enjoyed a comparable position both in Washington’s business life and his affection. From the hour he took up his duties, Lear had discharged them with taste, discernment and precision, after the very heart of his employer. Lear had shared the confidences and concerns of the General. How best reward this friend? When all the possibilities were weighed, Washington wrote: “To Tobias Lear, I give the use of the Farm which he now holds, in virtue of a Lease from me to him and his deceased wife (for and during their natural lives) free from Rent, during his life. . . . ”

  Five of his nephews should choose five of his swords, with the injunction “not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood except it be for self-defence, or in defence of their country and its rights, and in the latter case to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands, to the relinquishment thereof.”

  Washington now came face-to-face with distribution of the “more important parts” of his estate. The greatest gift he could bestow was Mount Vernon. More than a gift, it was a trust—one that should be committed to a Washington. The General had watched with uncommon interest and mounting approval the development of his nephew, Bushrod. In him Washington had an apt pupil. So it was that the future of Mount Vernon was decided, and as he copied from his notes, these words in Washington’s bold script fell across the page: “To my Nephew Bushrod Washington and his heirs (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father while we were Bachelors, & he had kindly undertaken to superintend my Estate during my Military Services in the former War between Great Britain & France, that if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon (then less extensive in domain than at present) should become his property) I give and bequeath all that part thereof which is comprehended within the following limits. . . .”

  What of his grand-nephews, George Fayette and Charles Augustine Washington? These sons of Martha’s niece Fanny Bassett Washington and his nephew George Augustine, both deceased, were doubly close by their double kinship. Should not these kinsmen inherit the land on Dogue Neck he had planned in earlier years to give their father? The two thousand acres and more which would be theirs in time should embrace also the farm now occupied by their stepfather, Tobias Lear.

  Next, his children—his and Martha’s—for her grandchildren had been for years in every sense like their very own, “more especially . . . the two whom we have reared from their earliest infancy.” The tie with Nelly had been strengthened still more by her marriage to his sister’s son:—“Wherefore,” wrote the General, “I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis and Eleanor Parke Lewis, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon Estate, not already devised . . . together with the Mill, Distillery, and other houses and improvements on the premises, making together about two thousand Acres. . . .” As for his grandson, a large tract overlooking Alexandria already belonged to him through his father’s inheritance. Through his mother’s dower right, George Washington Parke Custis would also come into full possession of adjoining property, where she and his stepfather now lived. In view of this, Washington set aside his contiguous estate on Four Mile Run—approximately twelve hundred acres—for this only male heir in the family. Custis would receive also Square 21 in the Federal City.

  Washington then instructed his executors to sell “all the rest and residue of the Estate,” the money thus realized to be divided in
to twenty-three equal parts. The four children of his half-brother Augustine each should receive one share, as should the five children of his sister, Betty Lewis; three parts should go to the surviving children of his brother Samuel—one share for each—and a fourth share should be divided among the heirs of a deceased son. One part was assigned to Bushrod’s brother Corbin and one to the heirs of their sister Jane. Similarly, he remembered the three children of his brother Charles. He designated that one share should be divided among George Augustine’s three children. A full part each should go to Eliza Law, Martha Peter and Nelly Lewis. Finally, one part should be divided among his nephews, Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis, and Martha’s grandson, Washington Custis.

  A word of advice and a caution not to act hastily in disposition of the landed property now seemed in order—and a request about the family vault. Then he wrote: “Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, My Nephews William Augustine Washington, Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington, & Lawrence Lewis, & my ward George Washington Parke Custis (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty years) Executrix & Executors of this Will & testament,—”