NYSA
New York State Archives, Albany
PRDH
Programme de recherche en démographie historique
RAPQ
Rapport de l’archiviste de la Province de Québec
INTRODUCTION
1 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 49: 224–30.
2 Ibid.
3 JRAD 15:154; 17: 38; Tooker, Ethnography of Huron Indians, 20–2; Laberge, Affiquets, matachias et vermillon.
4 JRAD 49: 226–8.
5 2 For “Wepìstùkwiyaht Sīpu,” see McNulty, Petite grammaire. For “Kitcikanii sipi” (“la rivière du grand liquide”), see Cuoq, Lexique de la langue algonquine, 371. Wabanaki names include “Kchitegw/Ktsitekw/Gicitegw” (Great River), but also “Oss8genaizibo/Ws8genaisibo/Wsogenaisibo” (River of the Algonquins), and “Moliantegok/Moliantekw” (Montreal River). See Charland, “Définition et reconstitution,” 232 and appendix E; Day, Western Abenaki Dictionary, 2: 380. For “Lada8anna,” “Laooendaooena,” see Poirier, La toponymie des Hurons-Wendats, 28–9. And for Kaniatarowanenneh, see Haudenosaunee Environmental Task Force, Words That Come Before All Else, 18.
6 For descriptions of the mission settlements as “colonies,” see JRAD 35: 214; 36: 202; 41: 60; 56: 18; 57: 68, 76; ANOM, C11A 12: 137–137v, “Requeste à Monseigneur de Pontchartrain […],” 1692.
7 JRAD 36: 214; 45: 38–40; 49: 226–34; 35: 190; Leder, ed., LIR, 189–90; Wraxall, Abridgement, 60, 91; Brodhead et al., NYCD 4: 337, 575–7, 648–52, 743–5, 983–5, 990–2. On the symbolism of the body, see Carpenter, Renewed, Destroyed, Remade.
8 Cf. Labelle, “‘Like Wolves from the Woods,’” and Dispersed but not Destroyed, 4–5, 27.
9 Sagard, Grand Voyage, 284–6; Seeman, Feast of the Dead.
10 Seeman, Feast of the Dead.
11 Book of Ezekiel 37: 1–14; Le Maistre de Sacy, Ezechiel, 550–63; Block, Book of Ezekiel, 364–91. On the deployment of this same biblical passage in the context of New England missionary work, see also Bross, Dry Bones.
12 On the Wendat mission, see Lindsay, Notre-Dame de la Jeune-Lorette. For the Wabanaki missions, see Maurault, Histoire des Abénaquis; Charland, Histoire de Saint-François-du-Lac, and Histoire des Abenakis. On Kahnawake, see Saint-François-Xavier parish archives, Kahnawake, Quebec, Burtin, “Histoire des Iroquois du Sault Saint-Louis avec Documents et pièces justificatives,” 1881; Forbes, “Saint-François-Xavier de Caughnawaga,” 131–6; Devine, Historic Caughnawaga; Béchard, Original Caughnawaga Indians.
13 Day, Identity of Saint Francis Indians; Ronda, “Sillery Experiment”; Blanchard, Kahnawake, “Patterns of Tradition and Change, and “Other Side of Sky”; Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire”; Green, “New People.” For more recent studies, see Savard, “‘Réduction’ de Sillery”; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats; Clair, “Du décor rêvé.”
14 Trigger, Children of Aataentsic; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed; Sévigny, Abénaquis; Richter, Ordeal; Calloway, Western Abenakis; Parmenter, “At Woods’ Edge,” and Edge of Woods; Preston, Texture of Contact, 23–60; Beaulieu, Convertir les fils.
15 Ronda, “Sillery Experiment,” 15; Blanchard, “Tradition and Change,” esp. 134–78. See also Blanchard, “Other Side of Sky,” 77–102.
16 Greer, Mohawk Saint, and “Conversion and Identity”; Bonaparte, Lily Among Thorns; Clair, “Du décor rêvé,” “‘Seeing These Good Souls,’” and “Corps et décor.”
17 Delâge, “Les Iroquois chrétiens” (parts I and II), and “Les Hurons de Lorette”; Grabowski, “Common Ground.” See also Trudel, “Hurons et Murray”; Jaenen, “Rapport historique”; Beaulieu, “Hurons de Lorette”; Vaugeois, Fin des alliances. Of interest are also the following reports, copies of which can be found in the Departmental Library of Indian and Northern Affairs in Ottawa: MacLeod, “Huron of Lorette”; Graves, “Huron of Lorette”; Stone, “Assessment of Murray Treaty,” and “Report on Murray Treaty.”
18 MacLeod, Canadian Iroquois; Haefeli and Sweeney, Captors and Captives.
19 Parkman, Jesuits, 2: 44. Cf., for example, Havard, Empire et métissage; Gohier, Onontio; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats; Morin, “Fraternité”; Peace, “Two Conquests,” 224–368.
20 Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes.
21 For early allusions to the Seven Nations during the late eighteenth century, see Boiteau, “Chasseurs hurons de Lorette”; Blanchard, Seven Generations, 275–82, and “Seven Nations of Canada; Ostola, “Seven Nations of Canada”; Delâge, “Iroquois chrétiens,” part 2: 46–9; Calloway, Western Abenakis, 194–5, and American Revolution, 26–84. For claims of their roots in the seventeenth century, see Sawaya “Sept-Nations du Canada,” and Fédération des Sept Feux; For the critique of this stance, see John A. Dickinson’s review of Sawaya’s Fédération des Sept Feux in the American Historical Review and Normand Clermont’s in Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française. For the revised interpretation, see Sawaya and Beaulieu, “Qui sont les Sept Nations?”; Sawaya and Delâge, “Les origines de la Fédération des Sept-Feux,” and Les Traités des Sept-Feux; Sawaya, “Sept-Nations du Canada,” and Alliance et dépendance; Lozier, “History, Historiography, and the Courts.” For examples of the persistence of the error, see: Jaenen, “Christian réductions,” 130; Bruchac, “Abenaki Connections,” 271; Johnson, Tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy, 7; Sheppard, Empires Collide, 53.
22 Toupin, ed., Écrits de Pierre Potier, 278. On the production, reception, and limits of Jesuit writings in particular, see Greer, Jesuit Relations, 1–19; Berthiaume, “Fleurs de rhétorique”; True, Masters and Students.
23 Chauchetière, Narration annuelle; JRAD 63: 244; BNF, 13516, f.43v, Belmont, “Recueil de pièces sur l’histoire du Canada,” and Histoire du Canada, 35.
24 On the sources, methods, challenges, and rewards of ethnohistory, see Havard, Empire et métissage, 21–30; Delâge, “Premières nations,” 521–7; Fixico, Rethinking American Indian History; Krech, “State of Ethnohistory”; Axtell, “Ethnohistory”; Carmack, “Ethnohistory”; Barber and Berdan, Emperor’s Mirror.
25 In the final decades of the French Regime the term domicilié was on rare occasion also applied to some groups in the interior, such as the Illinois or Tamarois. See, for example, ANOM, C11A 75: 214–214v, Jean-Paul Mercier to Beauharnois (?), 27 May 1741.
26 Ferris, Archaeology; Alfred, Heeding Voices, 18–19.
27 Cf. Green, “New People”; Richter, Ordeal; Blanchard, “Patterns of Tradition and Change,” esp. 134–78; Parmenter, Edge of Woods.
28 See Havard, Great Peace; Brandão and Starna, “Treaties of 1701,” 209–44.
CHAPTER ONE
1 Lothrop et al., “Early Human Settlement.”
2 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 12:134.
3 Boyd, “Northernmost Precontact Maize.”
4 The name Mistigoches and its variants, given as a result of their initial contacts, stuck well through the French Regime. On its use, see Champlain, Works, 2: 121; Campeau, ed., MNF 2: 421; Sagard, Grand Voyage, 148; Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 104; Laure, Apparat français-montagnais, 419; Vincent, “Les sources orales innues,” 5; Daviault, L’Algonquin, 198.
5 See for example Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes; Ronda, “Sillery Experiment.”
6 2 JRAD 11: 88. Along similar lines, see ibid., 16: 110; 24: 254; 25: 110.
7 Scholars have generally failed to acknowledge the fluidity of the categories “Algonquin” and “Montagnais” in the early seventeenth century. Hubert and Savard are among the few to do so, in Algonquins, 23.
8 JRAD 23: 302–4. See also ibid., 54: 126.
9 Day, “Name ‘Algonquin,’” 226–31.
10 Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jesuit sources consistently translate the term “Montagnais” with variations of Nehiraw-iriniw (lit. Nehiraw people), including Iriniou or irini8, and designate their language Nehirawewin. Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 89; Fabvre, Racines montagnaises, 188; Laure, Apparat français-montagnais, 547; JRAD 7: 23, 153.
See also Bishop, “Qu’y a-t-il de si drôle dans la chasse au canard?,” 40–1; Brousseau, “Médianes en Nehirawewin,” 5–23. Early Algonquin dictionaries are comparably rare. Nehiroïsik and Ŏtichkŏagami appear in Aubin, “Algonquin-French Manuscript,” 10. Ŏtichkŏagami is glossed there as “ceux de vis à vis du lac.” André, whose Odawa dictionary is understood to have been compiled from earlier Algonquian dictionaries, similarly translates Algonquin as “Outiskouagami.” Variants of this term, which is understood to refer to peoples “who are at the end of the lake,” also appear in the Jesuit Relations for 1671 (“Outiskoüagami”), Baraga’s Ojibwe dictionary (“Odishkwagami”), as well as in Laure’s Montagnais dictionary (“Utiskuagameu”). The meaning may have shifted by the nineteenth century. Cuoq’s 1885 dictionary explains that this was the name given to the Nipissings by the Algonquins, “who apparently considered Lake Nipissing […] as the last body of water.” Both Cuoq and Lemoine, reflecting nineteenth-century usage among the Algonquins of the Lake of Two Mountains and Ottawa River, translate Algonquin as “Omamiwinini.” There is thus cause to believe that this term, which means, “those who are downstream” or “downriver people,” came from the Nipissings who cohabitated with the Algonquins at the Lake of Two Mountains mission beginning in the eighteenth century. Indeed, linguists take the Algonquin spoken at that mission in Cuoq’s time and still spoken today in communities like Kitigan Zibi as reflecting Nipissing speech; and from the perspective of Lake Nipissing, from whence they came, the Ottawa River and its peoples are indeed situated downstream. Cuoq and Lemoine give “Anicinabe” a more general meaning of both man/human and Sauvage or “man par excellence.” Meanwhile Nicolas’s nominally “Algonquin” grammar, which in reality presents the language spoken by Great Lakes Algonquians, contains a reference to the term “Irini” for “man” but no other endonym. See JRAD 55: 148; Laure, Apparat françaismontagnais, 47; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue algonquine, 48, 193, 290, 298, 314; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 42; Lemoine, Dictionnaire Français-Algonquin, 49; AJC, Louis André, “Préceptes, phrases et mots de la langue algonquine outaouoise pour un missionnaire nouveau,” 39; Baraga, Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, 313; Daviault, L’Algonquin, 529; Goddard, “Central Algonquian Languages,” 583; Day, “Nipissing,” 791. Of additional interest is the fact that Montagnais appears as “Magotihirini” in André and “Pakwagami” (a reference to “flat lake” people) in Cuoq. Laure, Apparat français-montagnais, 47; AJC, Louis André, “Préceptes, phrases et mots de la langue algonquine outaouoise pour un missionnaire nouveau,” 526 ; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue algonquine, 324.
11 JRAD 5: 115.
12 See, for example, ibid., 21: 116; Charest, “Montagnais ou Innus,” 38–9.
13 JRAD 29:144. See also Chamberlain, Terra incognita, 7–150.
14 For an overview of the location and political history of Algonquin groups, see Ratelle, “Location of the Algonquins,” 41–68; Viau, “Les dieux de la Terre,” 109–32; Cellard, “Kichesippi,” 67–84; Pendergast, “Ottawa River Algonquin Bands,” 63–136. On Algonquian lifeways and worldviews, see Beaulieu, Convertir les fils, 21–36; Anderson, Betrayal of Faith, 11–62; Savard, Algonquin Tessouat, 20–5; Mailhot, Pays des Innus, 123–53; Leroux, “Cosmologie,” 20–106. On language, see Brousseau, “Médianes en Nehirawewin,” 14–15; Cowan, “Philological Spadework,” 49–50.
15 JRAD 23: 302–4. Subsequent colonial observers would use the labels of (upper, i.e. upriver) “Algonquins supérieurs” and (lower) “Algonquins inférieurs” to describe these two, but these terms were employed haphazardly, with some authors using the latter to describe the Montagnais. Ibid., 54: 126.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 See “8tenau,” “outen,” “outen, outénau,” and “otenaw” in Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 115; Daviault, Algonquin, 178; AJC, Louis André, “Préceptes, phrases et mots de la langue algonquine outaouoise pour un missionnaire nouveau,” 799 ; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue algonquine, 312–13.
19 Laberge, Affiquets, matachias et vermillon, 131–9.
20 Rogers, “Band Organization,” 35; Gélinas, Gestion de l’Étranger, 81–2.
21 See, for example, chapter 2, note 22.
22 Delâge, “Kebhek,” 107–9; Vincent and Bacon, Récit; Chrétien, Delâge, and Vincent, Croisement de nos destins; Martijn, “Gepèg,” 51–64. The name of the site is spelled “8abistig8ïak” in Silvy’s Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 97; Cuoq, writing in the nineteenth century, provides Wabitikweiang and Kipwatikweiang in Lexique de la langue algonquine, 411.
23 Champlain, Works, 2: 44, 52; 3: 174, 205–6.
24 See for example JRAD 13: 14; 21: 238, 242, 246; 27: 36, 40, 54; Fox and Garrad, “Hurons in an Algonquian Land,” 125–6.
25 Champlain, Works, 2: 276.
26 Black, Algonquin Ethnobotany; Clément, L’ethnobonanique montagnaise; Doolittle, Cultivated Landscapes; Minnis, “Domesticating People.”
27 Champlain, Works, 2: 57, 276. For challenges to the traditional dichotomy between Algonquian foragers and Iroquoian farmers, see Hart, “Maize Agriculture Evolution”; Hart and Lovis, “Reevaluating What We Know”; Fox and Garrad, “Hurons in an Algonquian Land”; Hall, “Maliseet Cultivation.”
28 Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 69, 71; Bishop and Brousseau, “End of the Jesuit Lexicographic Tradition,” 305.
29 JRAD 22: 206.
30 Tremblay, ed., Saint Lawrence Iroquoians; Chapdelaine, “Review”; Engelbrecht, “Northern New York Revisited”; Kuhn, “Reconstructing Patterns of Interaction”; Gates-St-Pierre, “Critical Review”; Pendergast, “Ottawa River Algonquin Bands.”
31 JRAD 12: 132; 22: 206, 214–16. On the landscape of Montreal Island, see Loewen, “Paysage boisé,” 10–12.
32 JRAD 12: 132; 22: 214–16; 29: 146; Champlain, Works, 2: 176.
33 JRAD 8: 26–8.
34 Ibid., 8: 26–8; 12: 132; 22: 206, 214–16; 22: 214–16.
35 Champlain, Works, 2: 280–1.
36 Ibid., 2: 175–9.
37 Ibid., 2: 280–1.
38 Ibid., 10: 210. See also ibid., 3: 131; Le Clercq, Premier établissement, 1: 222–3.
39 MNF 1: 82; Lescarbot, Conversion des sauvages, 29–30; Deslandres, Croire et faire croire, 216–28.
40 Sagard, Grand Voyage, 448–50, and Histoire, 1: 56–8; Le Clercq, Premier établissement, 1: 92–100. On the Recollet missions, see Galland, Pour la gloire de Dieu, 49–80, 277–307; Deslandres, Croire et faire croire, 235–45.
41 Champlain, Works, 2: 44, 52; 3: 174, 205–6. Trudel, HNF 3, 1: 4.
42 Le Clercq, Premier établissement, 1: 133–4.
43 Beaulieu, “‘L’on n’a point d’ennemis plus grands que ces sauvages,’” 367–85.
44 See Sagard, Histoire, 1: 310, 435–40, 532–4; 2: 525, 534–59; 3: 636; 4: 829, 856; Champlain, Works, 5: 212; JRAD 18: 185–7; MNF 2: 843–4.
45 Champlain, Works, 5: 60–2. On Miristou/Mahigan Aticq Ouche, see Wilfrid Jury, “Miristou,” in DCB 1: 508–9; HNF 2: 358–60; MNF 2: 840.
46 Champlain, Works, 5: 60–2; JRAD 4: 194.
47 JRAD 4: 80–8, 196–214.
48 See Sagard, Histoire, 1: 310, 435–40, 532–4; 2: 525, 534–59; 3: 636; 4: 829, 856; Champlain, Works, 5: 212; JRAD 18: 185–7; MNF 2: 843–4.
49 JRAD 4: 194; Sagard, Histoire, 4: 884–5, 892; Champlain, Works, 6: 42. Negabamat, who would go on to acquire considerable importance, is here called Neogabinat and Onageabemat. For evidence of other family bands establishing seasonal encampments near the French, see Champlain, Works, 6: 50; Le Clercq, Premier établissement, 1: 261, 286; JRAD 4: 194; Sagard, Histoire, 2: 532–42; 3: 543, 636. On the occupation of the Quebec region, see Chrétien, Delâge, and Vincent, Au croisement de nos destins, esp. 49–53. On Chomina (Choumin), La Nasse, and Manitougache (Manitougatche, Manitoucharche, Manitouchatche), see Sagard, Histoire, 4: 885; Champlain, Works, 6: 49–66, 50; JRAD 5: 56, 92–4, 102–6, 110, 120–2, 162; 6: 118–24; Anderso
n, Betrayal of Faith, 128, 147–57; Thomas Grassman, “Manitougatche,” DCB 1: 487–8.
50 JRAD 6: 148; 8: 56.
51 HNF 2: 407–34.
52 Sagard, Histoire, 2: 519.
53 Édits, ordonnances royaux, 7; ANOM, C11A 1: 79-84, “Articles accordés par le cardinal de Richelieu à la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France dite des Cent-Associés,” 1627. See also Havard, “Les forcer à devenir citoyens.” Belmessous, “Être français en Nouvelle-France,” 511–14, and “Assimilation and Racialism,” 33; Deslandres, Croire et faire croire, 278–80.
54 See Beaulieu, “La paix de 1624,” 56–88; Trigger, “Mohawk-Mahican War,” 276–86; Starna and Brandão, “Mohawk-Mahican War,” 725–50.
55 On this episode, see JRAD 5: 106. For a similar occurrence, see ibid., 9: 114.
56 Ibid., 5: 106, 202–10. For another case of French houses being judged improper for women, see ibid., 7: 288–90. No clash with the Iroquois was recorded between mid-May 1632, when some Algonquins and Montagnais raided Mohawk country, and June of 1633, when Iroquois surprised some Frenchmen near Trois Rivières. See ibid., 5: 20, 26–8, 44, 48, 213–15, 251; 6: 4; 5: 20–8, 44–8, 92, 212–14, 250; 21: 20; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, appendix D.
57 Cf. JRAD 5: 202–10; 8: 54. On the mingled groups, see ibid., 23: 302–4.
58 JRAD 5: 202–10; MNF 2: 369, 452–5. On Capitanal (Kepitanal, Kepitenat), see JRAD 8: 54; MNF 2: 70, 369; Thomas Grassman, “Capitanal,” DCB 1: 163–4; Hubert and Savard, Algonquins, 22–3; Cook, “Vivre comme frères,” 340–1. For references to the name “Metaberoutin” or Metaber8tin, see for example Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 71; Aubin, “Algonquin-French Manuscript,” 10.
59 JRAD 5: 202–10.
60 Champlain, Works, 1: 98–101; Girard and Gagné, “Première alliance interculturelle.” Such an offer of military assistance had a precedent in the alliances contracted by the French with Timucuan chiefs in Florida during the 1560s. See HNF 1: 202–8; Milanich, Timucua, 82–8. On Henri IV’s policy regarding indigenous peoples, see Thierry, “Politiques amérindiennes.”
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