61 JRAD 5: 202–10.
62 Ibid. Cf. Innu oral traditions as recorded in the twentieth century, in Vincent, “Sources orales innues,” 59–68.
63 JRAD 5: 202–10.
64 Ibid., 5: 192.
65 Ibid., 5: 54, 92, 106, 132; 12: 142; 20: 260; Dollier de Casson, Histoire du Montréal, 86.
66 JRAD 11: 88; 16:110.
67 The reasons behind the Iroquois wars of the seventeenth century have been hotly debated. The argument that the wars of the Iroquois were motivated by economic considerations, the fur trade, and their desire to act as middle men, was first put forth by George Hunt. Daniel Richter and Roland Viau, while stressing the primacy of cultural motives, did not reject the notion that Iroquois warfare was in part motivated by the new economic context of the fur trade. Others have gone further and argued that very little evidence exists to support the economic explanation: Matthew Dennis contends that the Iroquois waged war entirely for defensive reasons, José Brandão emphasizes the will to make and adopt captives, and Craig Keener focusses upon vengeance and prestige. See Hunt, Wars of the Iroquois; Richter, “War and Culture,” Ordeal, and Facing East, 50, 64, 66; Viau, Enfants du néant, esp. 17–43; Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More; Keener, “Ethnohistoric Perspective.”
68 See Lanphear and Snow, “European Contact”; Snow, “Mohawk Demography,” 163–9, 174; Warrick, “European Infectious Disease.” On the notion of the “virgin soil” epidemic, compare Crosby, “Virgin Soil Epidemics,” 289–99; and Jones, “Virgin Soils Revisited,” 703–4.
69 For evidence of the correlation between epidemics and increased raiding, see Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More.
70 See Abler, “Beavers and Muskets,” and “European Technology”; Keener, “Ethnohistorical Analysis”; Carpenter, “Making War More Lethal,” 33–51. Cf. Given, A Most Pernicious Thing, and “The Iroquois Wars.”
71 JRAD 8: 154–8; 9: 6.
72 Ibid., 3: 23, 59; 9: 65, 227, 235–7, 251–5; 10: 75–7; 12: 153–9, 181–3; 13: 83. On the peace of 1634, see Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 485–98; Savard, Algonquin Tessouat, 90–5.
73 JRAD 12: 160–6. On Makheabichtichiou (Makeabichtichiou, Makhatewebichtichi, Makhate8ebichtichit, Makeabichtichiban, Makheubichtigiou), see ibid., 11: 110–12, 148–82, 224, 238–40, 244, 250–66; 12: 14–16, 20, 30, 140, 148–50, 160–4, 172, 178; 14: 130–2, 264, 274; 20: 208–10; 21: 67; Thomas Grassman, “Makheabichtichiou,” DCB 1: 481–2.
74 JRAD 12: 160–6.
75 Ibid. The chief in question was Tchimiouiriniou (Thimeouiriniou, Tchimaouirineou, Tchimiouirineau, Tchimawirini), who bore the hereditary surname of Batiscan (Batisquan, Baptiscan). See JRAD 6: 128–32; Sulte, “Le Nom ‘Batiscan’”; Elsie McLeod Jury, “Batiscan,” DCB 1: 80. Unlike his predecessor of the same name, he does not feature prominently in the record beyond this passing mention.
76 JRAD 12: 152–60.
77 Ibid., 12: 168–70.
78 Ibid., 12: 172–4. On Jean-Baptiste Etinechkawat (Etinechkaëuat, Etinechkaëuant Etinechkaouat, Etinechkavat, Etinechka8at, Erinechkwat, Etineska8at, Etineschka8at), see ibid., 12: 172, 180; 16: 134–46; 18: 96, 170, 180; 21: 70; 22: 132; 23: 308, 316; 24: 36, 66; 25: 134–6, 158; 27: 102, 234, 238; 28: 214; 30: 164; 31: 236; 32: 90; 35: 46; 37:100; 38: 50; Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 94, 100–1, 103–4, 106, 115, 121, 126, 132, 136; Campeau, Catastrophe démographique, 107–8, 114, 116–17. On his Attikamek origins, see JRAD 24: 66 and 29: 66. On François-Xavier Nenaskoumat (Nenask8mat, Ne nak8mat), who appears to have also borne the surname “François Boulé,” see JRAD 12: 172; 14: 134–46; 16: 64, 78–82, 84, 96; 18: 178; 28: 172, 276, 316; 29: 80–2; Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 93.
79 JRAD 16: 50–2. See also ibid., 15: 230.
80 Ibid., 18: 216–18.
81 Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 38.
82 JRAD 31: 284–86; 32: 238; 35: 236–40; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 34–43; Sulte, “Fief Pachirini.”
83 JRAD 31: 284.
84 Ibid., 20: 70–272.
85 Evidence of this can be seen in, for example, JRAD 16: 50–2.
CHAPTER TWO
1 On Chomina, see Sagard, Histoire, 4: 885; Champlain, Works, 6: 49–66; 50; Thwaites, ed., JRAD 5: 56, 92–4, 102–6, 110, 120–2, 162; 6: 118–24.
2 In a dictated letter to Le Jeune, Negabamat refers to “Ka-Miskouaouangachit, which you call St. Joseph.” JRAD 38: 64. It appears as “ka mik8a8agachik” and “Ka Mikuaugachit” in Fathers Fabvre and Laure’s dictionaries, where it is described as a reference to “sable rouge.” See Fabvre, Racines montagnaises, 152; Laure, Apparat français-montagnais, 702. Father Silvy for his part, translates “kamik8agachik” as “rivière au sable rouge.” Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 74. Cf. Jean-Baptiste Ferland, “Notes sur les environs de Québec” (1855), quoted in Gaumond, “Premiers résultats,” 63. The mistaking of the character “8” for “d” has also led to the erroneous transcriptions “Kamiskda d’Angachit” and “Kamskda d’Angachit.” Cf. Pièces et documents relatifs à la Tenure Seigneuriale, 50–1. For a brief overview of the fisheries on this site, see Pouliot, “La Pêche.” On the ancient nature of the Indigenous occupation of the site, see Gaumond, “Premiers résultats,” 70; Robert, “Le site de l’ancienne mission”; Cloutier, “La mission des Jésuites”; Cloutier, “Inventaire et surveillance archéologique”; Rouleau, “Inventaire archéologique.”
3 JRAD 14: 204–16; 27: 276. See also Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 92.
4 JRAD 23: 302–18. On ethnic diversity there, see ibid., 25: 152.
5 Beaulieu, Convertir les fils, 134–5.
6 The recent interpretation according to which Tekouerimat means “he who remembers his people” appears unsubstantiated. Compare Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 150 and back cover.
7 Lescarbot, History of New France, 3: 463
8 Anon., Vie de l’illustre serviteur de Dieu, 71–4, 164–8; JRAD 14: 204–6. For a chronicle of the mission’s funding, see Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 56–61; Beaulieu, Convertir les fils, 139. On Sillery, the man, see Dorion-Poussart, “Noël Brûlart de Sillery,” 15–27.
9 Campeau, “Fief des Sauvages,” 12; JRAD 14: 204–16; Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 92. The mission’s subsequent insertion into the seigneurial system would cause problems which will not be covered here. See Lavoie, C’est ma seigneurie, 19–69; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 27–87. On De Gand, see Raymond Douville, “Derré de Gand, François,” DCB 1: 262–3.
10 JRAD 9: 50–2 (retranslated); 6: 148–52; 8: 26–8.
11 “Mémoire touchant la Pêche de l’Anguille à la Pointe à Puiseaux,” 1651, cited in Gardette, “Le processus de revendication huron,” 2: 16–18; Campeau, ed., MNF 7: 681–2.
12 Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 74; JRAD 12: 232.
13 Robert, “Site de l’ancienne mission.”
14 JRAD 16: 134–46.
15 Ibid., 14: 204–16; 27: 276. See also Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 92.
16 Jaenen, Friend and Foe, 177–8; Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 15–33; Greer, “Towards a Comparative Study.” The scholarship on the early missionary program in New France is abundant. In particular, see Deslandres, Croire et faire croire; Galland, Pour la gloire de Dieu; Anderson, Betrayal of Faith; Beaulieu, Convertir les fils; Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 15–62. Regarding South American experiences, see Anderson, “‘They Should Be Ashamed to Eat”; and Ganson, Guarani.
17 JRAD 5: 32; 12: 220; 16: 140; MNF 4: 55. Abé, “Missionary Réductions.”
18 Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 27.
19 Abé, “Missionary Réductions,” and Jesuit Mission; Greer, “Towards a Comparative Study.”
20 Silvy, Dictionnaire montagnais-français, 110.
21 JRAD 16:134.
22 The name Tekouerimat (Tek8erimat, Tekwerimat, Tecouerimat, Takwirimath, Tecouërimat, Tekwerimatch, Tekwirimaeth, Teykorimat, Thekwarimat) was applied to a successio
n of four headmen at Sillery: Noël Negabamat (died in 1666), Charles Negaskaouat alias Nita8abistinagan (died in 1675), and Michel (confirmed 1682, died in 1685). A Theodore Tekouerimat is also mentioned (died in 1669). Charles’s son Louis was baptized in 1674. See JRAD 52: 60–8, 222–6; 53: 60; 60: 250; 62: 32, 52; Crespieul, Pretiosa Mors; Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 31–2, 78, 104, 223, 248–9, 288, 293; Bigot, Relation, 13–15; PRDH, Répertoire des actes d’état civil, 1621–1799, Record #30553, Burial of Michel Terourimah [sic], 23 January 1685 (http://www.genealogie.umontreal.ca). On the Tekouerimat “dynasty,” see also Savoie and Tanguay, “Nœud de l’ancienne amitié,” 40; Campeau, Catastrophe démographique, 114–17, 127–8.
23 See Clastres, Society Against the State, 21; Morantz, “Northern Algonquian Concepts”; Rogers, “Band Organization,” 21–50.
24 JRAD 16: 100; Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 92–3.
25 JRAD 16: 100–10; 18: 95–107.
26 Ibid., 16: 100–10.
27 On this cemetery, see Gaumond, “Premiers résultats,” 64–7, 70; Gagné, “Réduction de Sillery: étude paléoanthropologique,” “Réduction de Sillery: Examen ostéoarchéologique,” 103–21, and “Impact des maladies,” 17–28.
28 JRAD 16: 136–46. For the impact of epidemics on North American Indigenous populations, see for example Crosby, Columbian Exchange; McNeill, Plagues and Peoples; Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned.
29 On the arrival of Kichesipirini, see JRAD 18: 92.
30 Ibid., 18: 98–100. On Étienne Pigarouich (Pigarouik), see Elsie McLeod Jury, “Étienne Pigarouich,” in DCB 1: 548–9.
31 JRAD 18: 100–6.
32 Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 19–23.
33 Ibid., 25–7, 31; Gaumond, Premier hôpital. For the use of “Anse du Couvent,” see, for example, the map of Saint Joseph and Sillery coves by Jeremiah McCarthy, BANQ-Q, CN301, S230, D244A, “Plan exact de la seigneurie de Monceaux appartenant à M.A. Panet écuier, seigneur de la dite seigneurie, est sise et située dans la seigneurie de Sillery appartenant aux Rev. Pères Jésuites”; Bernier, Le vieux Sillery, 34.
34 Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 22, 27–9. They kept only four servants in 1643, to cut their costs. Ibid., 44.
35 Ibid., 22.
36 Ibid., 40–1.
37 See, for example, “Mémoire touchant la Pêche de l’Anguille à la Pointe à Puiseaux, près Québec, dressé par les RR. PP. Jésuites en faveur des Sauvages chrétiens de Sillery,” 1650, cited in Gardette, “Le processus de revendication huron,” 2: 16–18.
38 JRAD 24: 38–40
39 Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 50–61.
40 Ibid., 28; JRAD 28: 238.
41 Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 49–50.
42 Ibid., 30–1.
43 Hébert, ed., Registre de Sillery, 128.
44 JRAD 23: 304–8; Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 27, 44–5, 48–9.
45 Juchereau de Saint-Ignace, Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu, 43–4.
46 Ibid., 50–61.
47 JRAD 30: 172, 283–8; 31: 138, 170–80, 192–4; 32: 256; AJCF, Barthèlemy Vimont, “De la chapelle de Sillery,” [1647], 184; MNF 7: 35; Oury, ed., Marie de l’Incarnation, 330–1. Additional insights on the Jesuit compound can be gleaned from the archaeological record. See Robert, “Site de l’ancienne mission”; Cloutier, “Mission des Jésuites,” and “Inventaire et surveillance”; Rouleau, “Inventaire archéologique.”
48 JRAD 7:152–4.
49 Ibid.,11: 240–2.
50 Ibid., 25: 264; 27: 156; Cook, “Vivre comme frères,” 476–84; Morrison, “Baptism and Alliance”; Steckley, “Warrior and Lineage”; Greer, “Conversion and Identity,” 182–3, and Mohawk Saint, 51–3; Clair, “‘Seeing Good Souls,’” 285–8.
51 JRAD 18:110.
52 Ibid., 18: 110; 20: 188; 26: 128–32.
53 Ibid., 21: 82; Hébert, ed., Registre de Sillery, 37. On George Neapmat alias Etouet (Etouait, Estwet, Etwet), see JRAD 26: 156–8, 162; 28: 204; 30: 180; 32: 267–70; Campeau, Catastrophe démographique, 119. On his predecessor, see JRAD 12: 18; 18: 190.
54 BANQ-Q, Fonds Seigneurie de Sillery, 1637-1952, ZQ123, “Concession par les Religieuses de l’Hôtel-Dieu aux Sauvages de Tadoussac,” 12 July 1642.
55 JRAD 32: 270.
56 Ibid., 20: 276–8.
57 Ibid., 24: 66; 25: 152; 29: 66.
58 Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 610–17.
59 Hébert, Registre de Sillery, 38, 112; JRAD 22: 135–53; 24: 102–20; 25: 243; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 614–15.
60 JRAD 20: 214–20; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 633.
61 For evidence of these early links between the Saint Lawrence valley and Abenaki country, see Champlain, Works, 1: 103, 109, 298, 320; 5: 313–16; 6: 43–5; JRAD 12: 187–9 (quote); 20: 117; 28: 215, 229; 29: 67–9. Also Sévigny, Abénaquis, 64–6; and Savoie and Tanguay, “Nœud de l’ancienne amitié,” 30–2.
62 JRAD 21:117.
63 Ibid., 21: 67–71; 25:117–19, 153.
64 Ibid., 25:152. For similar examples, see ibid., 18: 178–82.
65 Ibid., 23: 283; 24: 59–65, 159–61, 183–5; 25: 117–21, 153, 177–9; 28: 203–5, 215; 29: 67–71; 30: 179–80, 183, 195; 31: 183–207; 36: 83–9, 129; 37: 261; Druillettes, Journal, and “Rapport.” On Druillettes, see Lucien Campeau’s entry in DCB 1: 281–2. On missionary competition, see Codignola, “Competing Networks,” 539–84.
66 Champlain, Works, 2: 280–1.
67 On the Tessouat lineage and on the name’s third bearer in particular, see Savard’s thorough Algonquin Tessouat.
68 JRAD 18: 92; 20: 90–2, 154–6, 164–6.
69 Ibid., 20: 154–6, 164–6.
70 Ibid., 20: 164–6.
71 Ibid., 20: 290; 24:190; Elsie McLeod Jury, “Simon Pieskaret,” DCB 1: 547–8.
72 JRAD 12: 132; 22: 206, 214–16; 29: 146
73 Ibid., 22: 214–16.
74 Ibid., 24: 230; Champlain, Works, 2: 280–1.
75 JRAD 21: 116.
76 Ibid., 22: 214–16.
77 Trudel, HNF 3, 1: 154–8.
78 Dollier de Casson, Histoire, 86–7; JRAD 24: 214–20, 230–40, 256; Savard, Algonquin Tessouat, 40–60.
79 JRAD 24: 252, 258–60.
80 Ibid., 25: 258–64; Savard, Algonquin Tessouat, 161.
81 JRAD 27: 238–44.
82 Ibid., 26: 60; 27: 238–44.
83 Ibid., 27: 246–305.
84 Ibid., 28: 148–50.
85 Ibid., 28: 276; 29: 82–4.
86 Ibid., 28: 148–52.
87 Ibid., 28: 168.
88 Ibid., 28: 290–302.
89 Ibid., 22: 268–84.
90 Ibid., 29: 144–54. Little is known about this Jean Tawiskaron (Tawizkaron, Ta8ichkaron), whose name bears a strong resemblance that of Tawiskara, the evil twin in Iroquoian mythology. In 1646 he was said to be “Captain of the Onontchataronons” (Iroquet). His band was ambushed by the Iroquois during the winter of 1647: he was killed, and only five members of his band were said to have escaped. See JRAD 29: 144; 30: 234–44. Even less is known about “Makate8anakisitch, Captain of the Mata8chkairini8ek” (Mataoueskarinis), who appears nowhere else in the Relations.
91 JRAD, 30: 160, 230–44; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 325–7; Dollier de Casson, Histoire, 107; JRAD 30: 154.
92 JRAD 31: 138; 32: 256; MNF 7: 35.
93 JRAD 30: 172; 31: 170–80, 192–4. See also ibid., 30: 283–8; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 330–1.
94 JRAD 32: 238.
95 Ibid., 33: 52–4.
96 Ibid., 35: 236–40; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 34–43; Sulte, “Fief Pachirini.”
97 JRAD 34: 62; 36: 192–4; BANQ-Q, E21, S66, SS3, Ministère des Terres et Forêts, “Biens des Jésuites,” UR 183, acc. 1960-01-038/189, Martin Bouvart and François Vaillant to Callière and Champigny, 20 September 1699. Three years earlier, the neoph
ytes of La Conception had similarly decided to limit the access of the fort at Trois Rivières to Christians and catechumens. See JRAD 35: 236.
98 JRAD 36: 101–5, 129, 139–41; 38: 173–5; 40: 195–209; Druillettes, Journal, and “Rapport.”
99 JRAD 37: 76–8; 38: 64–6.
100 Ibid., 60: 131; 62: 259–61; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 68. See also Campeau, Catastrophe démographique, 117; Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 61; Ronda, “Sillery Experiment,” 15.
101 MNF 8: 94.
102 JRAD 32: 270.
103 MNF 7: 682, 685.
104 JRAD 42: 262–6.
105 Ibid., 43: 48–50; Hébert, Le Registre de Sillery, 30.
106 MNF 7: 682, 685.
107 Cloutier, “Mission des Jésuites; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 56–68; Ronda, “Sillery Experiment,” 8–9; Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 61.
108 Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 34–43; Trudel, HNF 4: 378–9, 677, and Terrier du Saint-Laurent en 1663, 331–2; Loranger, Histoire de Cap-de-la-Madeleine; Grabowski, “‘Petit commerce,’” 109–11; Frontenac to Colbert, 14 November 1674, quoted in RAPQ 1926–1927: 75.
109 JRAD 49: 232–6; 52: 222–4; BANQ-Q, Fonds Conseil souverain, Jugements et délibérations, TP1, S28, P100, “Arrêt ordonnant que les sauvages subiront la peine imposée par les lois et ordonnances de France pour crime de meurtre et de viol, ” 21 April 1664.
CHAPTER THREE
1 Heidenreich, Huronia, 91–103
2 The most satisfactory general account of the Huron dispersal is that given by Bruce Trigger, though for him and many other scholars of the Hurons the period after 1650 represents little more than a cursory epilogue to the history of Huronia. Labelle represents the exception. See Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, chaps., 8–11; Heidenreich, Huronia, 264–77; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed.
3 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 24: 297; Colden, History of the Five Indian Nations (1747), 10.
4 Raudot (sic, Silvy), Relation par lettres, 184. See also, for example, JRAD 36: 183–5; 43: 187–9.
5 Parker, Constitution of the Five Nations, 50–4; Fenton, Great Law, 63–97; Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape.
6 JRAD 35: 192.
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