20 ASSM, P1:36-8b, “Mémoire d’un missionnaire […] relatif aux activités des Jésuites,” 1685; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3733-3746, Tronson to Belmont, 8 April 1684; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3851-3858, Tronson to Belmont, 15 April 1685; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3901-3914, Tronson to Belmont, 4 June 1686; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 25–8; ASSM, P1:36-4, Pierre Rousseau, “Histoire de la Mission de la Montagne,” before 1912; Simpson, Marguerite Bourgeoys, 61–4, 102.
21 ASSM, P1:36-8b, Drawer 115, no. 8, “Mémoire d’un missionnaire […] relatif aux activités des Jésuites,” 1685.
22 ANOM, C11A 7: 90–91, Denonville to the Minister, 13 November 1685.
23 ANOM, C11A 6: 135–137v, La Barre to the Minister, 4 November 1683 (copy in NYCD 9: 202–3); BNF, 13516, f. 21–22v, François Vachon de Belmont, “Recueil de pièces sur l’histoire du Canada.” The first part of this manuscript has been transcribed with some errors and omissions as Belmont, Histoire du Canada.
24 ANOM, C11A 6: 135–135v, La Barre to the Minister, 4 November 1683, C11A 6: 135-135v; JRAD 62: 255-7.
25 Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 15; ANOM, C11A 6: 136-137v, La Barre to the Minister, 4 November 1683; ANOM, C11A 6: 276v, La Barre to the Minister, 4 June 1684; ANOM, C11A 6: 282-282 v, La Barre to the King, 5 June 1684. For an overview of the campaign, see Mourin, Porter la guerre, esp. 61–82.
26 JRAD 63: 241–3. The French se risquer might alternatively be translated as “dare themselves.”
27 Ibid., 63: 241.
28 Ibid.
29 On the appropriation and adaptation of Christianity in the mission context and at Kahnawake in particular, see Greer, “Conversion and Identity,” 175–98, and Mohawk Saint, 100–10.
30 Chauchetière, Vie 93, 96–7; JRAD 63: 231, 243; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 62. This candelabrum was captured in a drawing by Chauchetière in one of the illustrations accompanying his “Narration de la mission du Sault,” Archives départementales de la Gironde. It bears some resemblance to the one that appears on a late engraving of the “Interior of the Old Dutch Church,” published in Munsell, Collections on the History of Albany, 1: 56–7. With respect to the value of the candelabrum, it must be noted that while the Thwaites edition speaks of four beavers, the original indicates “ving-quatre” [sic]. Although Chauchetière values these twenty-four beavers at 240 pounds, a more conservative estimate of about 100 guilders or about 15 pounds in New York money of account seems more accurate. Still, it was a significant sum.
31 JRAD 63: 241 (I have retranslated the “gave such a skillful spin to the affair” part of the quote).
32 On the theme of spiritual kinship through baptism, see Greer, “Conversion and Identity,” 182–3, and Mohawk Saint, 51–3; Morrison, “Baptism and Alliance,” 416–37. On the theme of metaphorical fatherhood in the Franco-Indigenous alliance, see Havard, Empire et métissage, 215–18, and Great Peace, 29–30; White, Middle Ground, 36, 84–6, 94–5, 104–5, 112, 116–18; Cook, “Vivre comme frères,” 453–94, and “Onontio Gives Birth”; Galloway, “‘Chief Who Is Your Father,’” 254–78. And for metaphors of fatherhood in the specific context of Franco-Iroquois relations, see Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, 44–5; and Jennings et al., History and Culture, 119–20.
33 Lafitau, Customs, 2: 99. On the relation between men and their children, expressed by the concept of “agadoni” among the Mohawks and Oneida (as opposed to the “owachira” of female lineages), see Becker, “Structure and Meaning,” 166–9; Hewitt, “Requickening Address,” 67; and Fenton’s introduction to Lafitau’s Customs, lxxxi.
34 ANOM, C11A 6: 63v–64v, La Barre to the Minister, [12 November 1682]; ANOM, C11A 6: 135v, 137, 140, 143, La Barre to the Minister, 4 November 1683.
35 ANOM, C11A 8: 132, Denonville to the Minister, 10 November 1686; LAC, ANOM, C11A 8:176, “Résumé des lettres du Canada,” 1686, with commentaries; Belmont, Histoire du Canada. 18. ANOM, C11A 10: 138v, “État de la dépense faite en l’année 1688 jusqu’au premier novembre au sujet de la guerre contre les Iroquois, ” 1 November 1688; “Mémoire pour les Iroquois Chrestiens du Saut en Canada,” February 1692, in JRAD 64: 108–12. Regarding the importance of gifts in the Franco-Indigenous alliance, see Jaenen, “Role of Presents”; Cook, “Symbolic and Material Exchange,” 75–100; Desbarats, “Cost of Early Canada’s Native Alliances.”
36 JRAD 10: 214; Grabowski, Common Ground, 90–6.
37 “Tonakt8an” in the original. ASSM, P1:36-8, Pierre Rousseau, “Récit d’une tentative d’assassinat,” before 1912; ASSM, Fonds Faillon, FF 68-73, Depositions of Joseph de la Colombière et al., 2 and 15 January 1684, and Judgement, 9 February 1684; Grabowski, Common Ground, 150–2.
38 ANOM, C11A 9: 27, Denonville and Champigny to the Minister, 6 November 1687; Grabowski, Common Ground, 152–3.
39 ANQ-M, TL2, Investigation into the murder of Jeanne Dasny by Étienne Tehagara8eron, 12 July 1689; ASSM, Fonds Faillon, FF 30, Decision of Denonville and Champigny, 4 August 1689; Grabowski, Common Ground, 153–7; Séguin, Vie libertine, 289–99.
40 ASSM, P1:8A.3.17-04, “Notes de M. Roupe sur la composition ethnique de la mission,” ca. 1807–1829; ASSM, P1:36-6, Pierre Rousseau, “Notes extraites, de 1677 à 1892, des registres de différentes missions indiennes,” before 1912.
41 NYCD 3: 487–8.
42 ANOM, C11A 6: 308-309v, “Mémoire de La Barre concernant son expédition au Lac Ontario,” 1 October 1684 (copy in NYCD 9: 239–40); Lamberville to La Barre, 13 July 1684, copy in NYCD 9: 254; Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 313; Chauchetière, Vie, 68; Colden, History of the Five Indian Nations (1747), 63–5.
43 Van Laer, ed., Minutes of Court of Albany, 3: 463, 470; see also Grassman, Mohawk Indians, 388.
44 Chauchetière, Vie, 71. On Louis Ogenheratarihiens (Ogeratarihen, meaning “Hot Ash” or “Hot Powder,” also known as Garonhiagué and Garohiaé, meaning “In-the-Sky” or “Celestial”), see Chauchetière, Vie, 20–76; Béchard, Original Cauhnawaga Indians, 115–25; Henri Béchard, “Ogenheratarihiens,” in DCB 1: 522–3.
45 JRAD 63: 131, 223.
46 ANOM, C11A 6: 297–98, “Revue faite au fort Frontenac le 17 aoust 1684 des Sauvages qui nous ont suivis pour la guerre,” 17 August 1684. Factoring in the uncertain but no doubt small number of men who at the time of the muster had gone on ahead with Le Moyne on an embassy to Onondaga would probably not alter this substantially. Supporting the hypothesis that the Kahnawakes, who around this time accompanied Le Moyne to Onondaga, were excluded from this count is the fact that Le Moyne’s name does not show up in either the muster roll of 17 August or in ANOM, C11A 6: 295–298v, “Reveüe des troupes qui ont accompagné Monsieur de la Barre lors de son expedition contre les Iroquois,” 14 August 1684; see also Mourin, Porter la guerre, 219–20. For the census data see, ANOM, G1, 461: 1.
47 Lamberville to La Barre, 13 July 1684, in NYCD 9: 254.
48 ANOM, C11A 6: 310v-312, “Mémoire de La Barre concernant son expédition au Lac Ontario,” 1 October 1684; ANOM, C11A 6: 540–540v, Jean de Lamberville to La Barre, 17 August 1684; ANOM, C11A 6: 541–541v, Lamberville to La Barre, 28 August 1684; ANOM, C11A 6: 299–300, “Presens des Onontaguez faits à Onontio, à La Famine le cinq septembre 1684”; Lahontan, Œuvres, 1: 302–10.
49 JRAD 63: 244. See also Chauchetière, Vie, 73.
50 Thwaites’s inaccurate transcription/translation of Chauchetière’s Narration annuelle appears to be responsible for the interpretation by several scholars of the 1684 meeting as a significant political break, an expulsion from the League council. Chauchetière wrote that “ils avoint déclamé contre eux, ils les avoint hués et enfin ils leur firent plusieurs menaces qui n’aboutirent enfin qu’à leur faire perdre leur chasse parce qu’ils la quittèrent pour venir achever la pallissade.” This was transcribed in the Thwaites edition as “perdre leur place” and imaginatively translated as “lose their places in the council.” Chauchetière, Narration annuelle; JRAD 63: 244. Cf. Green, “New People,” 74–5; Reid, Kahnawà:ke, 10.
51 JRAD 63
: 244; Devine, Historic Caughnawaga, 72–3, citing Nicholas Victor Burtin’s notes, 167–8.
52 See ANF, N/III/Canada/12, Vachon de Belmont, “Plant [sic] de la Mission de la Montagne,” 1694; ANOM, C11A 7:178-186v, Mémoire de Denonville, 12 November 1685; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 222-224, Vachon de Belmont to Louis XIV; LAC, MG17-A7–2, 6: 3901–3914, Tronson to Belmont, 4 June 1686; Maurault, “Fort des Messieurs”; Casavant, Domaine et tours.
53 Chauchetière, Vie, 70–1.
54 Leder, ed., LIR, 104; Richter, Ordeal, 150–9, 167; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 174–5.
55 LIR 104; Lozier, “Ononchragewas.” For evidence that the individuals referred to as Janetje and Lawrence in the Albany records correspond to this person, see LIR 104; Christoph, ed., Leisler Papers, 26, 106, 189; NYCD 9: 517; BNF, 13516, f. 41, Belmont, “Recueil” (Cf. Histoire du Canada, 33); Year book of the Holland Society, 7, 51, 53. On Garistasi (Garistatsi, Gastari, Caristie, Caristasie, Caristsie, Caristase, Caristagie, Cristagie, Christagie, Christagio), who is described by Belmont as the husband of a resident of Kanehsatake plausibly named Anastastsi (Anastasie?) ca. 1689, and elsewhere as having a son named Christian, see Belmont, “Recueil,” f. 37, (cf. “Aratable” in Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 28); Fernow and Van Laer, Calendar of Council Minutes, 98–9; Christoph, ed., Dongan Papers, 210–11. On Kakare (Kakarrial, Kakarriel, Kakariel, Kakare, Kaakhare, Kacharri, Kacharry, Cakare, Cakarij), whose name may have meant breechcloth, see NYCD 3: 817; Bruyas, Radical words, 107; Schoolcraft, Notes on Iroquois, 266.
56 LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3859-3869, Tronson to Dollier de Casson, 12 April 1685; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3851-3858, Tronson to Belmont, 15 April 1685.
57 ANOM, B 11: 85, Louis XIV to La Barre, 10 March 1685; ANOM, C11A 6: 388v–389, De Meulles to the Minister, 10 October 1684. Though he had many detractors, La Barre also had some apologists who included Lahontan and Perrot. Lahontan, Oeuvres, 1: 311–12; Perrot, Moeurs, 383–98. For an overview of Denonville’s mandate and military projects, see Leclerc, Denonville; Mourin, Porter la guerre, esp. 83–118.
58 ANOM, C11A 7: 124v, “Mémoire de Denonville,” 8 November 1686.
59 Chauchetière, Vie, 73; NYCD 3: 487–8. This report refers to both “Sniekes and Maques,” i.e. “Senecas and Mohawks,” but this appears to be an error in reporting.
60 Baugy’s muster lists refers to 50 warriors from Kanehsatake, 170 from Kahnawake (a number which appears to subsume the Wendats of Lorette), 76 from Sillery, and 57 from the “bande d’Arhetil” (sic: Hertel, presumably referring to Algonquins from around Trois Rivières), for a total of 353. Other numbers are less precise: Belmont speaks of 100 warriors from Kahnawake, 60 from Kanehsatake, 40 from Lorette, 60 Abenakis, and a few Algonquins; Saint-Vallier refers to 150 from Kahnawake and Lorette, 50 from Kanehsatake, and the rest “from Sillery,” totalling 300. Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 20; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 91; JRAD 63: 269. See also Mourin, Porter la guerre, 219–20.
61 For the interviews, see NYCD 3: 431–5. While Kakare and Adandidaghko’s accounts of Denonville’s campaign are extremely valuable, they must be interpreted carefully. The two men were in English custody (one source mentions fetters) when they gave these accounts, and it was in their interest to demonstrate that they were took part against their will. A case in point might be the advance up the Saint Lawrence River towards Cataraqui: Kakare claimed that “the Indians” were placed “in the middle” of the French forces to prevent their escape. French sources instead reveal that they were positioned at the vanguard, rearguard, and on the flanks to screen the advancing army, and that they provided crucial assistance in passing the rapids. Cf. ibid., 3: 431, and Baugy, Journal, 62, 64, 71; see also Denonville, ANOM, C11A 9: 106v, 107v, “Mémoire du voyage pour l’entreprise de M. le Marquis de Denonville contre les Sonnontouans”; JRAD 63: 269.
62 Baugy, Journal, 58, 61; ANOM, C11A 9: 108v, Denonville, “Mémoire du voyage”; Leclerc, “Denonville et ses captifs,” 549.
63 Baugy, Journal, 72–7; ANOM, C11A 9: 109v–112v, Denonville, “Mémoire du voyage”; Leclerc, “Denonville et ses captifs,” 549–50.
64 ANOM, C11A 9: 61–77v, Denonville to the Minister, 25 August 1687; ANOM, C11A 9: 109v–112v, Denonville, “Mémoire du Voyage”; Baugy, Journal, 72–8; JRAD 64: 66.
65 Baugy, Journal, 90–1, 104; Catalogne, Recueil, 14; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 22.
66 NYCD 3: 434. For other versions of this exchange see ibid., 3: 431; JRAD 6: 271; Baugy, Journal, 97.
67 On the march and battle, see Baugy, Journal, 99–101, 200–3; Catalogne, Recueil, 14–15; ANOM, C11A 9: 114v–115, Denonville, “Mémoire du voyage”; NYCD 3: 431–2, 434. Here again, Kakare’s claim that “the Govr put all the Indians in the front, because he mistrusted them for fear, they would join with the Sinnakes” is unconvincing. Ibid., 3: 431. For the positive appraisals of the role played by the Christian Iroquois during the battle, and by the other Christian allies, see Baugy, Journal, 101; ANOM, C11A 9: 65, Denonville to Seignelay, 25 August 1687; Lahontan, Oeuvres, 351. For the Seneca perspective on this battle, see NYCD 3: 444–7.
68 Chauchetière, Vie, 73; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 24; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 97–8. Besides Tégaretouan (Le Soleil) and Oyenratarihen [sic], Belmont provides the name of another dead individual, Gonhiagou, (“Le Ciel des Tionnontatés, Huron”). Estimates of Franco-Indigenous and Seneca casualties vary. Denonville’s official report indicates twenty-seven Senecas killed, and among his forces six Frenchmen and five allies killed and some twenty more wounded. ANOM, C11A, 9: 115, Denonville, “Mémoire du Voyage”; Baugy, Journal, 105–9; Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 353–4. Kakare’s estimates are similar, at eight Frenchmen killed, four “Christian Indians” and two other warriors killed, and several wounded. Adandidaghko reported seven Frenchmen killed, many wounded, five dead warriors, and several wounded, with sixteen Senecas killed and many wounded. NYCD 3: 432, 434. Lahontan overstates the losses of the allies, at one hundred Frenchmen, ten warriors, and twenty or twenty-two wounded. Lahontan, Oeuvres, 351. Chauchetière reported three killed from Kahnawake, including Ogenhereatariens. Vie, 73–4.
69 NYCD 3: 432, 434–5.
70 Baugy, Journal, 115; NYCD 3: 435.
71 NYCD 3: 432–3, 435–7, 483, 565; 9: 352–3.
72 Ibid., 3: 478.
73 Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 28; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 7: 4140-4145, Tronson to Belmont, 19 June 1689.
74 NYCD 3: 431–6, 481, 530, 531; Christoph, ed., Dongan Papers, 166, 210–11; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 28–9; Fernow and Van Laer, Calendar of Council Minutes, 54. Belmont mentions the activity of two other “apostates,” Ganonsa8enrat and Tannatakas. See BNF, 13516, f. 37, Belmont, “Recueil” (the names were not transcribed in Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 28).
75 LAC, MG1-G1, 461: 1-2.
76 On Tionnontoguen (Tinnondoge, Tiononderoge, Tinnondogen, Tenontoge, Tinondoge, Tionondage, Tionondoge, Tionodoga, Tionondorage, Tionnontogon, Tionnondoge) through the seventeenth century, see Snow, Mohawk Valley Archaeology, 425–8. On Tinnontoguen as a center of Mohawk Protestantism, see NYCD 3: 771–2; 4: 81; Hastings, Ecclesiastical Records 2: 1010–11. On Protestantism among the Mohawks more broadly, see Lydekker, Faithful Mohawks, 1–41; Feister, “Indian-Dutch Relations,” 89–113; Corwin, “Dutch-American Colonial Pastors,” 238–41; Richter, “‘Some of Them,’” and Ordeal, 165, 178, 221–3, 229–34.
77 Garistatsi likely emerged as chief sachem of Tionnontoguen after the death of Tahaiodoris, in the summer of 1691. NYCD 3: 783. On the close collaboration of Garistatsi, Kakare, and Onnonragewas with the colonial officials and among themselves, see infra, as well as Christoph, ed., Dongan Papers, 180, and Leisler Papers, 31–2; O’Callaghan, ed., DHSNY 2: 144; NYCD 3: 815–17; Catalogne, Recueil, 47.
78 Richter, Ordeal, 159–61, and “Ordeals of the Longhouse,” 24–5; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 195–207.
79 For the French declaration of war, see “Ordonnance du Roy, portant déclaration de guerre,” 25 June 1689, in Blan
chet et al., eds., CMNF 1: 463–4. On the Glorious Revolution and the outbreak of the War of the League of Augsburg, also known as Nine Years’ War or, in the United States, as King William’s War, see Israel, Anglo-Dutch Moment; Johnson, “Revolution of 1688-9,” 215–250; Symcox, “Louis XIV”; Lynn, Wars of Louis XIV, 191–265.
80 NYCD 3: 444. See also Fernow and Van Laer, Calendar of Council Minutes, 87.
81 BNF, 13516, f. 38, Belmont, “Recueil” (partially transcribed in Histoire du Canada, 29); Catalogne, Recueil, 16, 22. On Louis Ateriata, see infra.
82 Regarding the “Lachine Massacre,” see BNF, 13516, f. 39, Belmont, “Recueil” (and Histoire du Canada, 29–30); Catalogne, Recueil, 24–5; La Potherie, Histoire, 3: 58–9; Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 403–5; Lahontan, Nouveaux voyages, 1: 193; Grenier, “Massacre de Lachine.”
83 O’Callaghan ed., Documentary History, 2: 50, 52.
84 ANOM, C11A 10: 217–224v, Frontenac to the Minister, 15 November 1689; ANOM, C11A 10: 339v, “Résumé de lettres et mémoires de Frontenac, Denonville, Champigny, Callière et autres,” [1689]; ANOM, C11A 11: 186, Denonville to the Minister, January 1690; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 31; Catalogne, Recueil, 45; Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 408; Richter, “Rediscovered Links,” 84.
85 Leclerc, Denonville, 235–62; Eccles, Frontenac, 199–202, 223–4.
86 ANOM, C11A 11: 7, 13–14, Charles de Monseignat, “Relation … [1690-1691]”; NYCD 3: 733–4; La Potherie, Histoire, 3: 63–4, 70, 73–4; ANOM, C11A 11: 83–85v, Frontenac to the Minister, 30 April 1690; NYCD 3: 733–4; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 32; Colden, History of the Five Indian Nations (1727), 105–13; Wraxall, Abridgement, 14–15; Richter, “Rediscovered Links,” 69–72. Governor Frontenac, who displayed no more love for the Jesuits or their associates during his second mandate than he had during his first, in the spring sent an officer to Onondaga to disavow whatever the emissary might have said on behalf of other parties. The identity of this chief emissary is confused. French sources speak of Gagniegoton (or Gagnioton, Gagniêgoton, Gagnyoton) or Nez Coupé (Cut Nose). He was one of the three ambassadors, with Chaudière Noire and Otréouti, who had come to declare their neutrality at Montreal in June 1688. He apparently returned to the colony after (?) the raid on Lachine and had spoken insolently to Denonville. After arriving in the colony and at Oréouaré’s suggestion, Frontenac sent back Gagniegoton and four prisoners to Onondaga. He was back in Montreal with wampum by early March 1690, but did not return to his country with the ambassadors who returned with Chevalier d’Aux. Yet the English accounts of the council that occurred at Onondaga allude to Adarjachta or Adarhata, “chief” or “chief sachem of the Praying Indians.” Besides the above-noted sources, see Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 32. The name, as “Atteriatta,” was also puzzlingly claimed by the Sulpician César Vaillant de Myardouin, who served briefly as missionary at Kanehsatake some time between 1686 and 1692. Merlet, Histoire des relations, 42, 44.
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