Sources of Chinese Tradition, Volume 2

by Wm. Theodore de Bary

  Comrades! In order to become the most faithful and best pupils of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, we need to carry on cultivation in all aspects in the course of the long and great revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the masses of the people. We need to carry on cultivation in the theories of Marxism-Leninism and in applying such theories in practice; cultivation in revolutionary strategy and tactics; cultivation in studying and dealing with various problems according to the standpoint and methods of Marxism-Leninism; cultivation in ideology and moral character; cultivation in party unity, inner-party struggle, and discipline; cultivation in hard work and in the style of work; cultivation in being skillful in dealing with different kinds of people and in associating with the masses of the people; and cultivation in various kinds of scientific knowledge, and so on. We are all Communist Party members, and so we have a general cultivation in common. But there exists a wide discrepancy today among our party members. Wide discrepancy exists among us in the level of political consciousness, in work, in position, in cultural level, in experience of struggle, and in social origin. Therefore, in addition to cultivation in general, we also need special cultivation for different groups and for individual comrades.

  Accordingly, there should be different kinds of methods and forms of cultivation. For example, many of our comrades keep a diary in order to have a daily check on their work and thoughts, or they write down on small posters their personal defects and what they hope to achieve and put them up where they work or live, together with the photographs of persons they look up to, and ask comrades for criticism and supervision. In ancient China, there were many methods of cultivation. There was Zengzi,1 who said, “I reflect on myself three times a day.” The Book of Odes has it that one should cultivate oneself “as a lapidary cuts and files, carves and polishes.” Another method was “to examine oneself by self-reflection” and to “write down some mottoes on the right-hand side of one’s desk” or “on one’s girdle” as daily reminders of rules of personal conduct. The Chinese scholars of the Confucian school had a number of methods for the cultivation of their body and mind. Every religion has various methods and forms of cultivation of its own. The “investigation of things, the extension of knowledge, sincerity of thought, the rectification of the heart, the cultivation of the person, the regulation of the family, the ordering well of the state and the making tranquil of the whole kingdom” as set forth in the Great Learning2 also means the same. All this shows that in achieving one’s progress one must make serious and energetic efforts to carry on self-cultivation and study. However, many of these methods and forms cannot be adopted by us because most of them are idealistic, formalistic, abstract, and divorced from social practice. These scholars and religious believers exaggerate the function of subjective initiative, thinking that so long as they keep their general “good intentions’ and are devoted to silent prayer they will be able to change the existing state of affairs, change society, and change themselves under conditions separated from social and revolutionary practice. This is, of course, absurd. We cannot cultivate ourselves in this way. We are materialists, and our cultivation cannot be separated from practice.

  What is important to us is that we must not under any circumstances isolate ourselves from the revolutionary struggles of different kinds of people and in different forms at a given moment and that we must, moreover, sum up historical revolutionary experience and learn humbly from this and put it into practice. That is to say, we must undertake self-cultivation and steel ourselves in the course of our own practice, basing ourselves on the experiences of past revolutionary practice, on the present concrete situation, and on new experiences. Our self-cultivation and steeling are for no other purpose than that of revolutionary practice. That is to say, we must modestly try to understand the standpoint, the method, and the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, and understand how Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin dealt with people. And having understood these, we should immediately apply them to our own practice, i.e., in our own lives, words, deeds, and work. Moreover, we should stick to them and unreservedly correct and purge everything in our ideology that runs counter to them, thereby strengthening our own proletarian and Communist ideology and qualities. . . . At the same time, we must find out in what respects specific conclusions of Marxism-Leninism need to be supplemented, enriched, and developed on the basis of well-digested new experiences. That is to say, we must combine the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the revolution. . . .

  First of all, we must oppose and resolutely eliminate one of the biggest evils bequeathed to us by the education and learning in the old society—the separation of theory from practice. . . . Despite the fact that many people read over and over again books by ancient sages, they did things the sages would have been loath to do. Despite the fact that in everything they wrote or said they preached righteousness and morality, they acted like out-and-out robbers and harlots in everything they did. Some “high-ranking officials” issued orders for the reading of the Four Books and the Five Classics,3 yet in their everyday administrative work they ruthlessly extorted exorbitant requisitions, ran amuck with corruption and killing, and did everything against righteousness and morality. Some people read the Three People’s Principles over and over again and could recite the Will of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, yet they oppressed the people, opposed the nations who treated us on an equal footing, and went so far as to compromise with or surrender to the national enemy. Once a scholar of the old school told me himself that the only maxim of Confucius that he could observe was “To him food can never be too dainty; minced meat can never be too fine,” adding that all the rest of the teachings of Confucius he could not observe and had never proposed to observe. Then why did they still want to carry on educational work and study the teachings of the sages? Apart from utilizing them for window-dressing purposes, their objects were (1) to make use of these teachings to oppress the exploited and make use of righteousness and morality for the purpose of hoodwinking and suppressing the culturally backward people; (2) to attempt thereby to secure better government jobs, make money and achieve fame, and reflect credit on their parents. Apart from these objects, their actions were not restricted by the sages’ teachings. This was the attitude of the “men of letters” and “scholars” of the old society to the sages they “worshiped.” Of course we Communist Party members cannot adopt such an attitude in studying Marxism-Leninism and the excellent and useful teachings bequeathed to us by our ancient sages. We must live up to what we say. We are honest and pure and we cannot deceive ourselves, the people, or our forefathers. This is an outstanding characteristic as well as a great merit of us Communist Party members. [pp. 15–18]

  What is the most fundamental and common duty of us Communist Party members? As everybody knows, it is to establish communism, to transform the present world into a Communist world. Is a Communist world good or not? We all know that it is very good. In such a world there will be no exploiters, oppressors, landlords, capitalists, imperialists, or fascists. There will be no oppressed and exploited people, no darkness, ignorance, backwardness, and so on. In such a society, all human beings will become unselfish and intelligent Communists with a high level of culture and technique. The spirit of mutual assistance and mutual love will prevail among mankind. There will be no such irrational things as mutual deception, mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter and war, and so on. Such a society will, of course, be the best, the most beautiful, and the most advanced society in the history of mankind. . . . Here the question arises: Can Communist society be brought about? Our answer is “yes.” About this, the whole theory of Marxism-Leninism offers a scientific explanation that leaves no room for doubt. . . . The victory of socialism in the USSR has also given us factual proof. Our duty is, therefore, to bring about at an early date this Communist society, the realization of which is inevitable in the history of mankind. . . .

  At all times and on all questions, a Communist Party member should take into account the interests o
f the party as a whole and place the party’s interests above his personal problems and interests. It is the highest principle of our party members that the Party’s interests are supreme. [p. 31]

  In the following passages, quoted sayings are mostly from Confucian and Neo-Confucian sources, but by this time they survive in the collective memory only as traditional sayings without awareness of their exact provenance. They draw heavily on the Neo-Confucian ideal of heroic moral leadership.

  If a party member has only the interests and aims of the Party and communism in his ideology, if he has no personal aims and considerations independent of the Party’s interests, and if he is really unbiased and unselfish, then he will be capable of the following:

  1. He will be capable of possessing very good Communist ethics. Because he has a firm outlook, he “can both love and hate people.” He can show loyalty to and ardent love for all his comrades, revolutionaries, and working people, help them unconditionally, treat them with equality, and never harm any one of them for the sake of his own interest. He can deal with them in a “faithful and forgiving” spirit and “put himself in the position of others.” He can consider others’ problems from their points of view and be considerate to them. “He will never do to others anything he would not like others to do to him.” He can deal with the most vicious enemies of mankind in a most resolute manner and conduct a persistent struggle against the enemy for the purpose of defending the interests of the party, the class, and the emancipation of mankind. As the Chinese saying goes, “He will worry long before the rest of the world begins to worry, and he will rejoice only after the rest of the world has rejoiced.”4 Both in the Party and among the people he will be the first to suffer hardship and the last to enjoy himself. He never minds whether his conditions are better or worse than others’, but he does mind as to whether he has done more revolutionary work than others or whether he has fought harder. In times of adversity, he will stand out courageously and unflinchingly, and in the face of difficulties he will demonstrate the greatest sense of responsibility. Therefore, he is capable of possessing the greatest firmness and moral courage to resist corruption by riches or honors, to resist tendencies to vacillate in spite of poverty and lowly status, and to refuse to yield in spite of threats or force.

  2. He will also be capable of possessing the greatest courage. Since he is free from any selfishness whatever and has never done “anything against his conscience,” he can expose his mistakes and shortcomings and boldly correct them in the same way as the sun and the moon emerge bright and full following a brief eclipse. He is “courageous because his is a just cause.” He is never afraid of truth. He courageously upholds truth, expounds truth to others, and fights for truth. . . .

  3. He will be best capable of acquiring the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism, viewing problems, and perceiving the real nature of the situation keenly and aptly. Because he has a firm and clear-cut class standpoint, he is free from personal worries and personal desires that may blur or distort his observation of things and understanding of truth. . . .

  4. He will also be capable of being the most sincere, most candid, and happiest of men. Since he has no selfish desires and since he has nothing to conceal from the Party, “there is nothing that he is afraid of telling others,” as the Chinese saying goes. Apart from the interests of the Party and of the revolution, he has no personal losses or gains or other things to worry about. . . . His work will be found in no way incompatible with the Party’s interests no matter how many years later it is reviewed. He does not fear criticism from others, and he can courageously and sincerely criticize others. That is why he can be sincere, candid, and happy.

  5. He will be capable of possessing the highest self-respect and self-esteem. For the interests of the Party and of the revolution, he can also be the most lenient, most tolerant, and most ready to compromise, and he will even endure, if necessary, various forms of humiliation and injustice without feeling hurt or bearing grudges. . . . But if for the sake of certain important aims of the Party and of the revolution he is required to endure insults, shoulder heavy burdens, and do work that he is reluctant to do, he will take up the most difficult and important work without the slightest hesitation and will not pass the buck.

  A Communist Party member should possess all the greatest and noblest virtues of mankind. . . . Such ethics are not built upon the backward basis of safeguarding the interests of individuals or a small number of exploiters. They are built, on the contrary, upon the progressive basis of the interest of the proletariat, of the ultimate emancipation of mankind as a whole, of saving the world from destruction and of building a happy and beautiful Communist world. [pp. 32–34]

  [Liu Shaoqi, How to Be a Good Communist, pp. 15–34]

  MAO ZEDONG: THE RECTIFICATION CAMPAIGN

  REPORT OF THE PROPAGANDA BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE ON THE ZHENGFENG REFORM MOVEMENT, APRIL 1942

  Eschewing the checks and balances used in democratic governments, Mao Zedong used the political campaign to check corruption or deviance within the party and government. The rectification (zhengfeng) campaign described here was the first of a long series of campaigns that would sweep through the nation after 1949. Mao’s genius lay in his methodical approach to party organization and training, as well as his techniques of mass mobilization and indoctrination. His weakness lay in overconfidence in the efficacy of his own formulations and faith in the mere assertion of the revolutionary moral will. After initiating such rectification campaigns, he was often unable to control them once they started. The nation therefore underwent constant turmoil and chaos. The fear engendered by the campaigns created a mentality among officials to “lean to the left” to avoid criticism. In the end, these campaigns did little to check corruption and bureaucratism. Nevertheless, later in the eighties and early nineties many who had gone along with this kind of idealistic self-rectification looked back on this period as the “good old days” of self-sacrificing idealism.

  Since July 1941, the resolutions of the Central Committee on the party spirit, investigation and research, and other resolutions, together with Comrade Mao Zedong’s recent report condemning subjectivism, sectarianism, and party formalism, have caused a revolution in party thought and have served as a sharp weapon for the correction of the thought of cadres and party members and for the alteration of working styles. In order that cadres fully grasp the spirit and substance of the Central Committee resolutions and the report of Comrade Mao Zedong, and utilize these weapons in their work, it is necessary that they recognize the problem to be one of practical activity and long-term education in thought. The problem is not so simple that it can be resolved after one discussion. . . .

  1. All organs and schools must engage in thorough research and lively debate on the Central Committee resolutions, Comrade Mao Zedong’s report, and the other documents designated by the Central Committee. They should first of all gain a thorough comprehension of the spirit and substance of these documents and make them their weapon. With this object in view, all comrades must read each document, take notes, and afterward debate the separate documents or several documents together in small committees. When necessary, representatives of the Central Committee or representatives of this office will be dispatched to make reports. In reading and in debate, all must deliberate deeply and thoroughly, examining their own work and thought and their own life history in its entirety. In examining others, the procedure should also entail a complete examination of the man’s past, so as to avoid harmful ex parte judgments. It is incorrect to calculatingly protect oneself and fail to speak out; it is also incorrect to avoid attacking one’s own faults, while only attacking others. . . .

  4. The objectives of research, discussion, and investigation are a thorough understanding of the contents of the Central Committee documents, the earnest and sincere reform of styles in education, the Party, and literature, the reconstruction of work, the consolidation of cadres, and the consolidation of the entire Party. Any discussion
or activity contravening these objectives is incorrect. Thus, the attitude in discussion and criticism must be severe, thorough, and pointed. On the other hand, it must be sincere, straightforward, truthful, and based on fact. Cold ridicule and hidden invective, slander and calumny, abuse based on hearsay and exaggeration are all incorrect. During discussions, Comrade Mao Zedong’s warnings “Don’t repeat past mistakes” and “Save men by curing their ills” should be constantly heeded. Of the comrades who commit errors, those who intend to correct themselves and progress should be encouraged and assisted, even though they are still unable to avoid error during the course of their advance. The slightest advance by a comrade should be welcomed as a starting point in the struggle for the completion of his progress. Comrades should be made to understand that it is with this objective that the weapon of criticism is used.

  5. The time period for the study of documents designated by the Central Committee is stipulated to be three months for all organs and two months for schools.

  [Adapted from Compton, Mao’s China, pp. 1–5]

  WANG SHIWEI: “WILD LILY”

  Wang Shiwei was a writer and translator at the main Chinese Communist Party base area at Yan’an. His views on young people differed dramatically from those of Liu Shaoqi expressed above. Although these views come out of the May 4 tradition and were popular at Yan’an, they were repressed in the Rectification Campaign. However, as early as the mid-fifties, it became clear that they prefigured student, especially college student, discontent with the party and government in the People’s Republic of China.