The Valkyrie Option

by Markus Reichardt

  Hurras rang out from the German ships as they saw the effect of their attack but just then their luck turned with the arrival of 120 Shtormoviks Il-2 fighter bombers who descended on the German ships and their air cover. Although the Me 262s took a heavy toll on the attackers their superior speed could not always compensate for the Shtormovik’s heavy armour and sheer numbers. Although they could not carry bombs heavy enough to penetrate battleship hulls, the Shtormoviks damaged four destroyers badly enough to sending them hiding under artificial smoke screens and set the Prinz Eugen on fire while inflicting light damage on the light cruiser Koeln.

  It was enough. The Germans turned to the open sea leaving Kutsnetzov to shepherd his survivors back through the barrier to Kronstadt.

  Despite the loss of two of his major ships and nearly sixty per cent of his heavy units Kutsnetzov was ready to proclaim a victory. But it was only a tactical one, strategically the superior skills and equipment of the Kriegsmarine had carried the day and taken the initiative. This would show within the week.

  October 16th

  East of Vilnius

  The Brandenburgers luck ran out just ten kilometres outside of Vilnius as they were about to turn southwest towards Grodno. The paranoia created by the false infiltrators had brought out the MVD and military police in force and on the outskirts of town the three jeeps suddenly found themselves confronted with a roadblock from they could not turn back without attracting attention. Trying to bluff their way through backfired when they could not produce any valid orders for proceeding towards the front. Rather than being captured they tried to shoot their way out but only one jeep escaped. Of this only three men made it back to the German lines almost a week later.

  In the meantime, the incident further constrained the operational abilities of the already badly shaken 31st Army. Convinced that even larger numbers of saboteurs were operating behind their lines the MVD began a series of random roadblocks and arrests that prevented thousands of men from carrying out their orders in time for General Chernyakovsky to organise a credible defence of the Lithuanian capital.

  October 17th

  Athens Greece

  In London, Churchill who remained determined to reinstate the Greek King came under increased pressure from the Times and Manchester Guardian both of whom were sympathetic to ELAS and like most British appalled at what had happened at Constitution Square. The terror of the OPLA units whose body count would eventually number in excess of 8 000 including women and children escaped the attention of the British press. Meanwhile ELAS redeployed its units to deal with EDES-controlled areas such as General Zervas EDES forces in Epirus. But rather than ignoring the potential British threat in key towns such as Saloniki, ELAS commanders such as Vafiades left sufficient troops besieging the towns to prevent them from coming to Scobie’s relief. In the meantime Soviet supplies – principally light weapons and food - kept pouring in. Soon this material advantage began telling in the battles against EDES.

  Meanwhile General Scobie in Athens was running out of supplies and lacked the power to alter the situation. Finally on the 17th he launched a determined foray towards Piraeus in order to secure access to the ports facilities. From communications with London he knew that there were British destroyers and the cruiser Ajax lying off shore laden with supplies but unable to dock due to ELAS opposition. ELAS units were unable to block the path of the few armoured cars Scobie could muster retreated but isolated the British column halfway to the harbour. After a short, fierce fire fight most of the half-dozen British machines fell victim to Molotov cocktails and the survivors were taken prisoner. The next day an officer among them was released back into Scobie’s zone of control with a letter. In it ELAS offered the British General a ceasefire and the opportunity to retreat via Piraeus harbour on condition that all British troops in Athens leave. Isolated and frustrated Scobie contacted London where a heated debate ensued between Eden Churchill and Alanbrooke.

  Churchill argued that to evacuate Athens would mean the end of a British presence in Greece and Soviet access to the Mediterranean. He instructed Alanbrooke to dispatch a series of airborne units to force their way back into Athens by clearing the airfield and forcing entry in Piraeus harbour. Two days before he had already sent his second telegram to Washington hoping to secure some US material support and had received nothing in return. With not a single word or commitment of any support from the Americans Eden advising against a military option, Alanbrooke had to concede that the British cupboard was empty. While there were was no doubt that the Royal Navy would be able to force Piraeus harbour and open a line to Athens, Alanbrooke was doubtful whether this could be done in time to relieve Scobie. An amphibious landing along the lines of D-Day was out of the question as the Americans who owned most of the vital landing craft were redeploying them to the Pacific. It was a critical gap the British could not fill at short notice. Churchill then began musing about deploying the Skyrats – First Airborne Division in a combat drop to secure Athens airfield, but again such a mission would take time; time that Scobie did not have.

  As if to underscore the lack of American support, the day that Churchill and his advisors deliberated, was also the day the US Admiral King formally ended the use of all US landing craft to convey troops stores and supplies for the British in the Eastern Mediterranean. Six such craft ready to sail for Piraeus in support of any landing were quietly turned around and readied for their long trip to the Pacific. Churchill would later record this as a real low point in his relations with Roosevelt. It was a slight that would rankle to his dying day. In effect America had finally pulled the plug on British power. “It grieves me very much ‘ he telegraphed Harry Hopkins “ to see signs of our drifting apart at a time when unity becomes ever more important.”[86]

  Nevertheless Churchill remained convinced that the majority of Greeks did not support ELAS but rather favoured some centrist/ royalist option. Adding this to the strategic imperative of keeping the Soviet Black Sea Fleet away from access to the Mediterranean he frantically sought alternatives while instructing Scobie to play for time.

  While Churchill was right in his belief that most Greeks were inherently positively disposed towards Britain, he underestimated the impact of Scobie’s blunders on Greek political opinion. ELAS commanders, even those fiercely loyal to Moscow had been reluctant to initiate hostilities against the British and in this were initially supported by Colonel Popov. But after the constitution square massacre and the bloodletting that accompanied the escalating civil war in the countryside, this reluctance disappeared. The arms deliveries that Popov then produced from Bulgaria also emboldened many local commanders to deal with ‘outstanding issues’ quickly before the balance of power shifted once more. The result was further tension and bloodshed and so gradually ELAS slipped firmly into an anti-British mode. By the 18th they were ready to fight. For the moment however, amid continued sporadic incidents in which both sides suffered casualties a tense stand-off continued while ELAS grew stronger and the British frantically manoeuvred their forces to relieve Scobie’s men.

  A direct consequence of Scobie’s frantic communications was a directive from Churchill to Field Marshall Alexander in northern Italy. With the Germans out of Italy and his forces pushing into northern Yugoslavia, Alexander was instructed to increase his speed and move to secure all of Slovenia and Croatia, as well as move northwards to secure large portions of southern Austria, so as to project power into Hungary. Both he and his political masters knew that while he would be well-received by the Germans and Hungarians, he would have to move across territory already occupied by the Red Army.

  October 18th

  Berlin

  The Stauffenberg’s apartment

  Nina had not had a quiet evening with Claus in weeks, possibly the last time had been the evening they had shared after Adam had outlined his proposal about a truce with the Warsaw Poles. It seemed like a lifetime ago. So much had happened since Claus had walked out the door the next morning and a few days later
had put von Trott’s ideas into effect. It was clear that the agreement was not perfect and that there were still problems but after all those years of oppression she had expected some bitterness from the Poles. Claus had phoned her at least once a day, even if only to leave a message that he was doing fine. She had followed the radio news closely often detecting hints of her husband’s actions in what transpired in the world. She resented his absence but Nina von Stauffenberg realized that the task he began when he placed the bomb under Hitler’s table was not yet done. The new offensive Wintererwachen offered hope. If Germany could hold the line in the East long enough for the Anglo-Americans to realize their true interests, then, then Claus’ work would be done.

  In the silence of the evening, she listened for any sign that her children were waking up. There were none. Wonderful. She caught herself, just three months ago she would have been keeping a worried ear out for the air-raid sirens. That thank the Lord, seemed to be a thing of the past. The Allied, no American bombers were still coming, but they no longer targeted civilian residential areas purposefully. These days they were after the transport links.

  People were still dying, needlessly. If only the front held, then it might all be over soon. Like many of her circle, Nina did not worry so much what the post-war Germany would look like but still feared that there might not be one at all.

  Chapter 8

  “I deem it highly important that we should shake hands with the Russians as far East as possible. “

  Winston Churchill in a telegram

  to General Eisenhower 2 April 1945

  afternoon October 18th

  Rommel’s HQ

  Rastenburg

  East Prussia

  While the bulk of the German forces raced north eastward from Bialystock towards Grodno and battled their way into Vilnius, the last punch of Wintererwachen hit the Red Army rather unexpectedly in southern Poland. Striking out of the Carpathian mountains at the junction between the Hungarian and Slovakian borders, a smaller battlegroup comprised of 17th SS Panzergrenadier, three under-strength assault gun and heavy tank brigades as well as two reinforced infantry divisions struck across the Polish plain towards the key town of Lvov, which the Germans called Lemberg. Achieving complete surprise, the units tore through the surprised units of the 4th Ukrainian Front and while 17th SS-Panzergrenadier received a bloody nose from tank units of General Moskalenkos 38th Army, they achieved their objective within 48 hours and reached the key railway lines that made Lvov so important to Soviet logistics in this sector. That night, having bypassed the city partially they settled in and waited for more than 180 88mm anti-tank guns to be deployed along their flanks. When 38th Army counter-attacked the next day it lost 110 tanks. The Soviet offensive in southern Poland would not be going anywhere for a while.

  Evening October 18th

  Berlin

  Office of the President

  President Beck and Chancellor Goerdeler gave Leber a painful stare. The president’s office was dimly lit almost is if someone had sought to create a cloak and dagger atmosphere for secret deliberations. The desk lamp illuminated only the desk itself and the three men sitting around it.

  ‘Do we really need to make a decision on this now, Minister?’ We have not seen the end of Wintererwachen and the strategic situation may still change in a manner that will require us to hold some trump cards.

  Leber took a deep breath. Chancellor, President Beck ‘I think it is necessary. The fate of the Nazi leaders, ‘war criminals’ as the allies call them is something that keeps coming up at the informal negotiations that Helmuth von Molkte continues to have. I understand your reluctance but my reasoning remains that by moving on this now we assert the right of Germans to try these people for crimes against Germans as well as other people. We also send a strong message that we are serious and finally we allow the allies to send delegates to the event. If they do they will have de facto recognized the new regime.’

  ‘This could hurt military morale; no not could, it will! Right now we do not need that. Much as I would like to string up some of them myself, many Germans will feel differently. Right now we need unity, not a witch-hunt and public self-flagellation.’

  ‘What about asking von Molkte to find out the details under which the allies believe these people should be tried and find a way to then commit to those parts of their demands we are able to live with.’

  ‘Therein, Chancellor, lies the rub. Your term ‘these people’ has not been formally defined. The western allies have indicated they are thinking of some three or four hundred, the former decision-makers. Our new ‘friends’ the Poles have made it clear they intend to prosecute all the way down to non-commissioned ranks and every camp guard they can lay their hands on. What would you do if they included Minister Speer?’

  ‘What about putting the key people on trial, the ones everyone agrees were ultimately responsible.’ Goerdeler was searching, not wishing to answer the question.

  Leber flicked through a file; ‘Well we have most of them. Courtesy of Schellenberg, Himmler and his inner circle are dead. There are the extermination camp commandants, people in the SS structures who organised the human shipments to the camps. Most of the key RSSHA and SD men’

  ‘How many of those are real criminals and how many were just following orders’ Goerdeler chipped in.

  ‘Simple answer Chancellor, I do not know and I would hate to get into a public argument with the Allies over this.

  ‘We have most of the Führer’s inner circle: Goering, Goebbels, Bormann, von Ribbentrop, all the Gauleiter. The British can add Hess to that collection. Then there is Ley, the Nazi trade union boss, Streicher that frothing mad anti-Semite, the mystic nut Alfred Rosenberg, von Schirach the Hitler Youth Boss. That should be all the political bigwigs.’

  Leber looked uncomfortable. What did the latter two actually do other than talk nonsense? Does their inclusion not open up all politicians in Germany potentially to some danger? What about the military men who helped Hitler plan and initiate this war? He knew he was on safe ground here with Beck, who had resigned in protest over Hitler’s war plans. But he also knew that the President felt a loyalty to fellow officers. The President’s features hardened. He leaned forward across the large empty desk.

  ‘The names mentioned by the negotiators have been Keitel, Jodl and Doenitz.’ Goerdeler looked at Beck, expecting resistance. To him these men were expendable, if the survival of the nation depended on it; he had never had any dealings with them. Not knowing them personally made it easier to dispense with them. For a second there was uncertainty in Beck’s stern face. He had no intention of this debate going anywhere at this stage, and alone among them he had stood on principle before. The words came out hard; ‘They are welcome to them, Keitel is nothing but an overdressed valet, who should never have gotten to staff level, Jodl is the figurehead of a uniformed bureaucracy that sold his soul to Hitler a long time ago, and Doenitz, well the Grossadmiral made his choice on July 20th didn’t he?’

  Leber was relieved, Doenitz alone among the military leaders had rushed out an order to the Kriegsmarine to stand by the Führer. As a result the genius behind Germany’s U-Boat offensives was behind bars. Jodl, theoretically chief planner and strategist in Hitler’s headquarters had come to be seen in a similar vein as the hated Keitel, ever since it had become widely known that he had delayed ordering German units to the Normandy invasion beaches in the critical hours of June 6th out of fear of waking his Führer at an ‘unreasonable hour’. Although Jodl was undoubtedly a talented staff officer and had served with distinction in the Great War, he had been found wanting badly when it came to moral fibre on this and other occasions. For Beck who fiercely believed in the German and Prussian military tradition, this sort of spinelessness made the man unworthy of the uniform.

  He leaned back, challenging Leber. ‘Any more difficult ones that our British friends might wish to nominate? I could certainly think of at least one more, von Reichenau, without him Hitler would never
have gained so much influence in the Wehrmacht in the early 1930s. He was the one who discredited my predecessor as Wehrmacht Chief of Staff. He was the bastard who brought Schleicher and Hitler together. Now there was a Nazi of the first hour if there ever was one in the Wehrmacht. Pity is we’ll never be able to pin more than influence peddling and political intriguing on him.’

  ‘He’s dead. Died in January 1942 of a heart attack.’ Leber had done his homework.

  Beck merely shrugged.

  ‘They haven’t been named specifically but what about the Gauleiter of the occupied territories, and the Reichsprotektors . I believe the Poles have already announced their intention to try Hans Frank. The Dutch may have something to say on this matter as will most probably the Czechs. Finally, there are people like Sauckel, who’ve provided the forced labour for Speer’s factories. What if they ask for people like him?’

  Suddenly Leber went rigid: “What if they ask for Speer? Right now we need him. I do not care for his morals or his intentions, but if we yank him out of the Armaments Ministry now, we can kiss any effort at holding the Russians through the winter goodbye. The system might run on momentum for a while, but his paladins will be thinking about other things than production.”

  Beck shrugged, “have they actually asked for him?”

  “That’s not clear” Goerdeler as the practical politician cut in. And as long as he is not formally on the list let’s not get hot under the collar. Put Hitler’s inner circle on trial. That should take the heat off things. Then we will see what still needs to be done. That kind of trial will deflect a lot of political energy and might even establish some useful principles and precedents by which we can then be guided in dealing with the next layer. That way we send a positive signal and keep some bargaining chips. Who knows, ‘he mused eyeing Beck’ by then many of them may had died fighting in the East?’ It was, Leber felt, an elegant solution. He hoped it would serve its purpose.