Confucius
Page 5
The Zhou shared many of the Shang beliefs, but instead of the god Shang Di their focus was on the concept of Heaven, which they viewed as the sacred moral power of the universe. Since it was this that had granted them their earthly status, the Zhou kings made regular sacrifices to Heaven at the capital, while also conducting rituals to honour their own family ancestors. The Zhou communicated with the spirit world too but they used a new divination system laid out in The Book of Changes, or Yijing (also known as I Ching), a text which interpreted trigrams, or sets of broken and unbroken lines that helped to predict successful harvests, battles and health. Although Confucius is known to have become fascinated with the Yijing in his later life, he always placed far more emphasis on honouring parents and ancestors, and he praised the early Zhou rulers for their dedication to their forebears.
During the Western Zhou period, the kings continued to enlarge their empire by leading their powerful armies in the conquest of neighbouring tribes and states. When they were not engaged in territorial expansion, they resided in the twin capitals of Feng and Hao near modern Xi’an. Rather than rule all their lands directly, they used family members and their most trusted lords to govern the more distant areas, typically dispatching these surrogates with troops to establish walled garrisons in the conquered territories. In some regions the king recognised local chiefs as his representatives, granting them power and title in exchange for loyalty, military service and tributes. The Zhou royal family also intermarried with lords of other families, creating a network that enabled them to consolidate their power throughout the region.
In the Western Zhou period, Zhou society was a kin-based tiered aristocratic hierarchy. Below the king were the lords, or regional governors, of the various Zhou territories. These lords owned all the land and granted their subjects land to farm, in a form of enfeoffment that has often been compared with the medieval European feudal system. Known as fengjian, it was reputedly introduced by the Duke of Zhou and has been considered one of the dynasty’s greatest achievements, since it was designed to be fair towards those who actually worked the soil. Under this system, much of the land was carved up into lots that were in turn divided into nine squares forming the Chinese character ‘jing (#)’, meaning ‘well’. The grain from the central square was given to the government, who stored it and distributed it to the people in times of famine or bad harvest, while the farmers, who made up a large percentage of the population, lived off the harvest from the remaining eight squares.
In the early years of their reign Zhou rulers demonstrated military ability, strong family ties throughout the country, skill at settling disputes and fairness towards their subjects, all of which earned them the respect and support of the various lords and the loyalty of the populace. The result appears to have been a period of relative stability and prosperity. Confucius had great admiration for such a society, in which people at all levels – from the king to the peasants – behaved well and in a manner that was appropriate to their status. To him, this was the only way that a society could function properly.
With such prosperity, the country also underwent significant technological and cultural growth. Bronze manufacturing, which had already been sophisticated under the Shang, reached new levels of excellence. The military greatly benefited from improved bronze weaponry and horse and chariot fittings, while bronze farming tools and equipment increased agricultural output. The most noteworthy bronze objects of the period were the ritual vessels used by the rulers in their elaborate funerals and then buried with the deceased in the tomb to provide food and drink for the soul in the afterlife. The vessels were decorated with intricate designs of stylised birds and other natural motifs, and were inscribed with increasingly lengthy texts describing family relationships, important accomplishments and the occasion for which the vessels were used.
In the cultural realm, the most significant development was the creation of a sophisticated Chinese writing system that enabled the dissemination and storage of information among a larger proportion of the population. The earliest extant Chinese writing was to be found on the oracle bones of the earlier Shang rulers, but this script only consisted of a few hundred characters and was reserved for use in royal divination practices. During the Western Zhou dynasty many thousands of ideographs were created, and they evolved into characters that are closer in form to those used in China today. Paper was not invented until centuries later, so much of this writing was inscribed in ink onto thin, vertical strips of wood or bamboo that were strung together like a mat and rolled up for storage – the antecedent of the traditional Chinese hand scroll. (It is also very likely that silk was used as a writing surface, but no early examples of texts on silk have survived.) With the evolution of the writing system and the creation of the first ‘books’, literacy spread throughout the upper classes. Over the course of the Western Zhou period and continuing into the Eastern Zhou period, some of the great classics of Chinese literature were produced, including The Book of History, China’s earliest narrative text, recording the deeds and sayings of rulers from ancient times until the early Zhou dynasty, The Book of Songs, which contains the earliest Chinese poetry, and The Book of Rites, which describes ancient rituals, court ceremonies and social forms. These and other Zhou classics were to become the core of Confucius’ teachings, as he believed they represented the wisdom of a greater time.
The Eastern Zhou (770–221 BC):
a weakening Mandate
Many of the great cultural and economic advances of the Western Zhou period continued into the Eastern Zhou, the age in which Confucius lived. This is often further divided into two distinct sub-periods: the Spring and Autumn period (770–475 BC) and the Warring States period (475–221 BC). Cities developed in size and number, and trade increased between them. Archaeological evidence shows that iron was being used by this time, iron tools enhancing the region’s agriculture. Silk, which had been produced since the Shang dynasty, was cultivated and widely traded and was not only used as material for clothing the wealthy, but also as a surface for writing and painting. Rolls of silk were even used as currency.
Despite these cultural and economic developments, the Eastern Zhou is generally characterised as an era of immense political instability, triggered by the worsening circumstances of the Zhou court. The Zhou had maintained firm control of the country until the early eighth century BC, when King You (r. 781–771 BC) replaced his queen with a concubine. The queen retaliated by joining forces with non-Chinese Rong tribesmen from the north, killing the king and putting her own son on the throne. To protect themselves from further attacks, the Zhou moved their capital eastwards to Luoyi (near modern-day Luoyang). The new Zhou king, Ping (r. 770–720 BC) ruled a much smaller area and, although from this time onwards Zhou kings still performed a religious role as intermediaries with Heaven, they now reigned alongside a number of other equally or more powerful leaders claiming the title of king. They were never able to regain their former political or military power so, not surprisingly, political chaos ensued.
Without a strong central authority, the region broke down into a loose affiliation of largely autonomous states, some bigger and more powerful than others. During much of Confucius’ lifetime the north was dominated by Jin in the centre (modern Shaanxi province) and Yan and Qi towards the east (modern Hebei and Shandong respectively). In the west, Qin took over former Western Zhou territory, and Chu (modern Hubei, Hunan, Chonqing, Henan, Shanghai and parts of Jiangsu) was most powerful in the south. In the early part of the Eastern Zhou period, states generally followed a code of chivalrous conduct that regulated warfare among themselves. For example, one state was not permitted to attack another while it was mourning the loss of its ruler, and a battle could not begin until both sides had time to line up their troops.5 Despite this sportsmanlike code, however, the rulers were constantly engaged in political manoeuvrings to boost their own strength and avoid being absorbed by larger neighbours. Strategies included building up domestic economic power through t
rade, strengthening their armies, in particular the cavalry, and forming allegiances with other states, usually by marrying sons and daughters into the ruling families. Far from being virtuous rulers with a Heavenly Mandate who cared for their people, kings and officials clung jealously to power with little regard for their subjects.
Politics in the state of Lu
The chaos throughout the region was echoed within the borders of most of the Zhou states. Confucius was from Lu, which is in north-eastern China in what is now Shandong province. Lu was founded in the tenth century BC after the Duke of Zhou sent his own son there to establish a settlement. This connection to the respected Duke was a source of great pride to the state, and certainly to Confucius, who emphasised the connection in his teachings. Like many other states during the Eastern Zhou period, Lu was politically volatile, facing threats of absorption by larger neighbours states as well as the machinations of several rival families within Lu who were eager to seize control. Lu was bordered to the north by the large and powerful state of Qi, which launched an unsuccessful invasion of Lu in 684 BC and occasionally appeared close to invading again. To the east was Wei and to the south were Song, the state from which Confucius’ own ancestors are said originally to have hailed, and Chu was to the south-east. The capital of Lu was the city of Qufu, and it was here that its rulers, vested with the title of ‘Duke’, maintained their regime with varying degrees of success until they were finally annexed in 256 BC by the state of Chu.
One of the political problems plaguing the Dukes of Lu for much of this period was that of the Three Families, hereditary counsellors to the Duke who were descended from three brothers of a past Duke of Lu. In the mid-seventh century BC, roughly a hundred years before Confucius was born, when the current Duke of Lu was dying his three remaining brothers disagreed on the question of succession. After much intrigue and bloodshed, which included the deaths of the two younger brothers, the eldest brother won. The descendants of all three brothers were granted hereditary status as advisers to the Duke of Lu and were formed into three new families, the Jisuns (descendants of the eldest brother), the Shusuns (those of the middle brother) and the Mengsuns (those of the youngest brother). These three hereditary families did little to empower the Duke. Instead, they repeatedly undermined his power and went so far as to appropriate the state army for their own use, dividing up the soldiers and weapons among themselves and integrating them into their own existing armies.
Over the years, the Three Families gained in power over the Duke while also plotting against each other, creating a highly volatile political climate in Lu. By Confucius’ time these Three Families, in particular the Jisun clan, had usurped much of the Duke’s power, amassing more financial wealth than the Duke himself, imposing taxes on the people which they kept for themselves, and giving the Duke advice that would only undermine his position further. To Confucius such counsellors, with their lust for power and disregard for their ruler, were the very antithesis of the Duke of Zhou and of himself. With such advisers a king could not rule effectively, the people could never be content, and correct social propriety and structure could not be maintained.
In The Analects Confucius declared:
When the world follows the Way, rites, music, and military expeditions are all determined by the Son of Heaven. When the world has lost the Way, rites, music, and military expeditions are all determined by the feudal lords. Once it is the feudal lords who determine these matters, their authority seldom lasts for ten generations; once it is their ministers who determine these matters, their authority seldom lasts for five generations; once the affairs of the country fall into the hands of the stewards of the ministers their authority seldom lasts for three generations. In a world which follows the Way, political initiative does not belong to the ministers; in a world which follows the Way, there is no need for commoners to dispute over politics.6
Clearly, the world Confucius was born into had not only lost its way, but had lost the Way, or the Dao – the correct path of action which could ensure social harmony. The Zhou Empire was a ghost of its earlier form and the Zhou kings, who were still referred to as ‘Sons of Heaven’, seemed to have squandered their Heavenly blessing to rule. In their stead, feudal lords ruled over the fragments of their empire, and struggled hard to avoid being replaced in turn by their own ministers, and then by the ministers’ stewards. With society so visibly collapsing, it was only natural that by the Eastern Zhou period commoners should become preoccupied with the world of politics, and that some among them should try to effect political change. In the sixth century BC Confucius, the most influential commoner in China’s history, studied the rites, music and history and made it his life’s goal to help his world find the Way once again.
3
Early Life and Family
Confucius was born in the district of Zou in the state of Lu in 551 BC, to a retired, elderly soldier called Shuliang He1 and his teenage second wife or concubine, Yan Zhengzai. Before his birth his father already had ten children with his first wife, but nine of them were girls and the tenth was a boy who was crippled in some manner, most likely with a club foot. According to traditional Chinese beliefs, girls were not as valuable as boys because only boys were allowed to perform the traditional rituals to honour the family ancestors. Since their son was disabled, he was unlikely be able to sweep the ancestors’ graves or make offerings at their altars, acts that were crucial to ensure the future protection of the family. Without an able-bodied son, Shuliang and his family could face disastrous consequences. Confucius’ very conception thus arose from Shuliang’s desire to protect his family from such disaster.
From long before Confucius was born, it was important for people at all levels of Chinese society to honour their family ancestors in the afterlife, just as they honoured their parents while they were still alive. This hierarchic principle based on age, in which the young respect the old and the living honour the dead, has been one of the most important and enduring aspects of Chinese society. Not only was it considered a vital means of preserving order and accord in the world of the living, but it also guaranteed a harmonious relationship with the world of the spirits.2 Even though deceased family members had crossed over into the spirit world, they were still regarded as the heads of the family, and by treating them as such the living family stood to benefit from their spirit powers. It was believed that if the ancestors were honoured properly with the appropriate offerings, sacrifices and rituals, their spirits would enjoy a certain amount of power and influence in the spirit world. This influence would then enable them to assist the living family by interceding on their behalf with other, more powerful spirits including Shang Di, the High God, to affect natural phenomena such as the weather and the annual harvest.
However, if a family did not honour its ancestors, their spirits would not only cease to assist the family from within the spirit world, but they could re-enter the world of the living in the form of vengeful, evil phantoms called gui and cause havoc and destruction among their descendants. Terrifying tales of such vindictive gui and their wicked deeds have abounded throughout Chinese history and were no doubt familiar to Shuliang and his family. If Shuliang did not produce a son, his family would be at the mercy of gui for generations to come. Not surprisingly, Shuliang was determined to father a healthy son.
Shuliang’s first wife was no longer capable of bearing more children, so Shuliang looked for a young woman who could provide him with a suitable male heir. Although he was probably close to seventy years old when he approached the neighbouring Yan family, he was successful in persuading them to give him one of their teenage daughters, Zhengzai, as a wife. This was in part due to his past reputation as an heroic soldier. Shuliang had served in the military with distinction, once saving a squad of soldiers during a siege on an enemy castle; they had rushed in through an apparently unguarded gate, but they soon realised that they had fallen into a trap. As the enemy started to lower the portcullis to cut off their retreat, Shuliang, a man
of great height and strength even in his fifties, grabbed the heavy gate and held it up long enough for all the men to escape. For his strength and bravery in this famous achievement and others, he received many accolades and honours. A marriage to such a man, even in his senior years, would be considered respectable, and Zhengzai’s family, who were of modest means and reputation, would benefit from the alliance.
Furthermore, although Shuliang was not a man of great wealth and status, he could claim to be of royal stock. His family, the Kong, were descended from a long line of scholars with an aristocratic lineage that could be traced back to the Shang dynasty. After the defeat of the Shang by the Zhou in 1050 BC, one of the king’s sons had refused to fight and withdrew from court. The Zhou rulers chose to spare his life and gave him the state of Song, just south of Lu, in south-central China (modern Henan province) to rule. From there, he was to continue making sacrifices to the ancestors of the defeated Shang dynasty, an apparently generous gesture on the part of the Zhou. In fact, the conquerors probably hoped that these offerings would prevent the vengeful spirits of the Shang ancestors from rising up against their conquerors. This last Shang prince remained in Song and bore children who, though no longer considered royalty, continued to rule the state as minor aristocrats. After several generations, the prince’s great-grandsons had their power stolen from them by an uncle. One of the great-grandsons, Fangzi, fought back, killed the uncle and became the Duke of Song. The other, Fuhe, chose not to fight and renounced his position, losing his claim as a ruler of Song. His descendants were scholars and administrators and by 710 BC, the time of Fuhe’s great-great-grandson Jia, they no longer held any rank. At this time, they apparently took the name Kong. Although Jia was an upright man, he was murdered by a minister who coveted his wife, sparking a feud between the two families that lasted several generations. To escape the feud, Jia’s great-grandson (and Confucius’ great-grandfather) eventually left Song and travelled north to Lu, where both he and his son became civil administrators. By the sixth century BC the Kong family had lost their hereditary titles and privileges, but they had earned a reputation for scholarship, loyalty and pacifism. Confucius’ father Shuliang seems to have been the only warrior among them. He did, however, also serve as a district steward, keeping up the Kong family tradition of government service.3