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Confucius

Page 11

by Meher McArthur


  From this statement we learn that Confucius was determined as Minister of Justice to put into practice his belief in reciprocity – the idea that the responsibilities of any relationship fall on both individuals. Certainly the son, as the junior of the pair, should have shown respect and obedience towards his father, the senior, but he was unable to do so because his father had not educated him adequately in the rules of proper behaviour and had perhaps himself not provided an example of such behaviour for his son. Here Confucius could not blame the son entirely because if he had been better brought up he would not have caused his father such distress. Fault lay, therefore, with both parties. Confucius then took this argument one step further by suggesting that the ultimate blame for this sad familial dispute lay with the government of Lu, which had not set a good example to its people in recent years. Because of the political turmoil of the last decade or so, with ministers overthrowing dukes and officials attempting to overthrow ministers, how were ordinary people expected to know how to behave? Confucius repeatedly stressed to his students that virtue was a quality that needed to begin at the top of society and filter downwards. The transformation could take time, he warned. Even with a benevolent leader, it could be an entire generation before morality was restored to the country, but eventually, with good leaders in charge for one hundred years, cruelty and murder would cease.30 Only under such virtuous rulers would the people know how to behave.

  With this basic principle in mind, Confucius is believed to have used his position as Minister of Justice to attempt to reform the government of Lu so that it could function in a manner that he regarded as beneficial to the state. Although Duke Ding was officially the ruler of Lu, the Three Families still held tremendous power, and often defied his will and threatened revolt when they opposed a particular policy he was promoting. A source of much of their influence lay in the fortified towns that each clan possessed. These walled cities, defended by impressive armies, enabled the clans to put up armed resistance against the Duke at almost a moment’s notice. Confucius suggested to the Duke that, as the ruler of Lu, only he should possess a defensible site. ‘A subject should not conceal arms,’ he advised, and ‘a noble should not have city walls over three thousand feet long’.31 With the help of two of his fellow advisers, Zilu and Ran Qiu, both of whom were his followers, Confucius was able to convince Duke Ding that he should dismantle these other fortified cities in order to prevent the clans from opposing him and to stop rebels from seizing the towns and mounting a rebellion against the central government, as Gongshan Furao had done at the Jisun stronghold of Bi. The Duke agreed with the plan, and somehow managed to convince the Shusun family to disarm its stronghold in the city of Hou. The Jisun clan, however, put up a strong resistance. Gongshan Furao still controlled Bi and not only refused to dismantle the city but also sent Jisun troops to the capital to fight the Duke. They apparently forced the Duke and some of his ministers to retreat into a tower, while his army battled the Jisun soldiers. Eventually, perhaps with Confucius in command of some of the men, the Duke’s forces overcame the Jisun and the city of Bi was demolished, and Gongshan Furao fled to Qi.32 The third clan, the Mengsun, was determined not to give up its stronghold, the town of Cheng. Its leader remained within its walls, resisting the Duke’s forces in a stand-off that wore on for several months, until the Duke finally retreated and left the Mengsun in control.

  Even without capturing the Mengsun’s stronghold, it seems that Confucius and his fellow advisers were able to restore to the Duke much of the power that had been wrested from him and his predecessor by the Three Families. For this the Duke was no doubt extremely grateful to Confucius, and would have rewarded him accordingly. Sima Qian records that in the fourteenth year of Duke Ding’s reign, when Confucius was in his mid-fifties, the Duke appointed him Prime Minister. He apparently appeared highly gratified, which surprised his students, who remarked ‘We have heard that a gentleman would show no fear in the face of calamity, no joy in the face of good fortune.’ To this Confucius replied, ‘True, but what of the saying, “He delights in high position because he can show his humility”?’33 Although Confucius was probably not actually promoted to such a high position in government,34 the episode nonetheless suggests that Confucius was pleased at this point in his career to be able to advise his Duke so closely. According to Sima Qian and other questionable accounts, Confucius used his influence to transform the state of Lu. In a short period of time merchants supposedly stopped raising the prices of goods, people became more honest, men and women behaved more honourably towards each other and strangers were welcomed.35

  Some of these strangers may have returned to their states with stories about the positive transformation of Lu society under Confucius’ influence. Apparently, to the north of Lu in Qi, the ruling house and its ministers, who were still smarting from their humiliation by Confucius at Jiagu, began to worry that if Lu continued to prosper under Confucius’ administration it might become strong enough to swallow up its neighbours, no doubt beginning with Qi. Certain ministers recommended currying favour with Lu by surrendering more territory to the Duke, but this idea was overshadowed by a proposal to try to drive Duke Ding and Confucius apart. With this aim in mind, the government of Qi sent the Duke a ‘gift’ of eighty beautiful dancing girls and sixty pairs of dappled horses. The dancers and horses were brought outside the capital and Ji Huanzi, the head of the Jisun family, went out in disguise to inspect them. He was captivated by the women and persuaded the Duke to accept the gift. For three days Ji Huanzi and the Duke neglected the state’s affairs in order to spend time with the dancing girls. Confucius was deeply disappointed in their immoral conduct, as was his follower and colleague Zilu, who suggested to him that it was time to leave the Duke’s government.

  Confucius was unwilling to abandon his lord and determined to wait a little longer, until the conclusion of an important ceremony at which the Duke was to conduct sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. ‘If he presents portions of the offerings to the ministers, I can stay,’ he vowed. Unfortunately, when the time came to make the sacrifices, the Duke rushed through the rituals and neglected to reward his ministers with portions of meat from the sacrificial animal, which was the established custom. He then carried on his irresponsible behaviour, paying no attention to Confucius and his other advisers. At this point Confucius had to concede that his Duke was not the virtuous ruler he had hoped for, and prepared himself to resign his post and retire from office. The head of the Jisun clan apparently sent a note questioning his resignation but gave no indication that he or the Duke intended to change their ways. Rather than serve a lord whose morals were shameful, he chose to leave his position as one of the most powerful men in Lu.36 So disappointed was he in his Duke that he walked away not only from the government, but from the state of Lu as well. Confucius’ walk was to continue for fourteen years, as he and a handful of his most devoted followers, including Zilu, wandered from state to state in their quest for a ruler virtuous enough to serve.

  6

  Confucius’ Followers

  Around 496 BC Confucius left Lu for the third time in his life. His first trip to Luoyang in his twenties had been an exciting adventure to the capital that had lasted several months and inspired him enormously in his research. His second departure was in his mid-thirties, when he had followed his lord, Duke Zhao, to Qi and remained there in exile for about a year. Now, at age fifty-four, when most men in government positions were contemplating their imminent retirement, Confucius resigned from his job, gathered a few belongings and again crossed the border of Lu, this time in search of more satisfactory work. As he departed, he cannot have anticipated that his journey would keep him away from Lu for fourteen years. In those years he made his way to the neighbouring states of Wei, Song, Cai and Chen and was employed for short periods by rulers of some of those states, but otherwise he and his group were travelling around the region, at a time when relations between the states were highly volatile. He surely did not imagine that h
e would have to venture far and frequently in search of work or that he would not be able to find anywhere a virtuous ruler to serve. Nor did he guess that there would be times when he would experience homelessness and even starvation.

  A number of Confucius’ followers chose to go with him, which meant giving up their jobs, leaving their families and binding themselves tightly to Confucius’ fortunes. Such personal and professional sacrifice was a testimony to how deeply they believed in his doctrines and how fondly they regarded their Master. During the three decades he had been teaching, hundreds, perhaps even thousands, of students passed through the gates of his school. Sima Qian wrote that Confucius himself claimed, ‘Of those who received my teachings, there are seventy-seven who are conversant with them.’1 Some of these are named in The Analects, and occasionally this text gives us insight not only into their characters, but also what Confucius supposedly thought of them. For example, he once drafted a list in which he grouped his main pupils according to their various gifts and abilities – great virtue, great eloquence, the ability to govern, and culture.2 More information about his followers was provided by Sima Qian, who wrote brief biographies of thirty-five of the most famous of them, and noted the names of the remaining forty-two who were supposedly also conversant with their Master’s teachings. These early (though, alas, not contemporary) descriptions provide insights into some of the colourful characters who studied with Confucius and help us to understand why some were devoted enough to their Master to leave everything behind to follow him on his long journey abroad.

  Zilu

  It is almost certain that Zilu (542–480 BC) was one of the students who accompanied Confucius on this fourteen-year journey, as there are several references in The Analects and other texts to incidents along the way involving him. (It is possible that Zilu had also been Confucius’ companion on his two earlier travels to Luoyang and to the state of Qi.) As we have already seen, Zilu was one of the first young men to study with him when Confucius began teaching in his early twenties, and he is considered by many to be one of the most fascinating of Confucius’ followers. Raised in the countryside in Lu, Zilu was a headstrong character who tended to act impulsively. Confucius thought highly of Zilu’s acumen and believed he would be effective in government, but he also considered him wild and on several occasions tried to encourage him to slow down and think before he acted, commenting, ‘If to your present ability were added the results of learning, you would be a very superior man.’3 He criticised Zilu for passing judgement ‘on the mere basis of half the evidence,’4 and predicted correctly that the combination of his rash behaviour and lack of discernment would lead him to an unnatural and violent death.5 Confucius made it clear to Zilu that he felt that his other student, the mild-mannered Yan Hui (see below), was closer to him in temperament and the type of man he would wish to have by his side in a crisis. When Zilu asked him whom he would have as his lieutenant, Confucius told him, ‘I would not choose a man who wrestles with tigers or swims across rivers without fearing death,’ clearly implying Zilu.6 Confucius also declared, ‘Yu’s [Zilu’s] delight in prowess surpasses mine. He is no material I can use.’7

  Judging by the number of times Zilu is mentioned in The Analects questioning Confucius about how best to govern and become a gentleman, he was clearly a devoted student who was trying in his own way to cultivate his character and be a better man. He was a very keen student and ‘loved to accompany [Confucius] on his travels’.8 Yet Confucius was often highly critical of him. For example, when Zilu asked him about death and how to serve the spirits and gods, Confucius answered sharply, ‘You are not yet able to serve men, how could you serve the spirits?… You do not yet know life, how could you know death?’9 Much later, when Confucius was very ill and seemed on the verge of dying, Zilu organised his followers into a retinue as if they were retainers of a lord, in order to give him a funeral suited to a high-level government minister. When Confucius recovered, he was furious with Zilu for creating such a ‘farce’ and ‘sham.’10 Such constant criticism and disapproval seems to have led Zilu to crave the approval and praise of his Master, as can be witnessed in two rather touching episodes. Confucius once told his students, ‘The Way does not prevail. I shall take a raft and put out to sea. I am sure Zilu will accompany me.’ Zilu was overjoyed at this idea, but Confucius was apparently merely joking about building a raft and suggesting that only Zilu would be foolhardy enough to try such a thing.11 At another time, Confucius actually praised Zilu, saying, ‘Only Zilu can stand in his tattered gown by the side of people wearing fine furs without feeling any embarrassment,’ and went on to quote a verse from The Book of Songs: ‘Without envy and without greed, He must be a good man.’ Zilu was so delighted at the praise from his Master that he apparently chanted this verse continually, until Confucius burst his bubble with the remark, ‘Come on, this is not the recipe for perfection.’12

  Although Zilu seems to have received more criticism than praise from Confucius over their years together, he was of a strong enough will to deal out similar censure when he believed his Master was not following his own teachings or behaving as a gentleman should. We have already learned that he urged Confucius not to join the rebel Gonghsan Furao’s government, even though Confucius seemed to think that the role might enable him to create a better government in Lu. In a similar incident, Confucius was invited by Bi Xi, the steward of a great family in the state of Jin, to the north-west of Lu. Bi Xi was using his position as governor of Zhongmou to mount a rebellion against his own lord, and Confucius was tempted to go to speak with him. Zilu was again outraged and threw Confucius’ own words back at him. ‘Master, in the past I heard you say “A gentleman does not associate with those who are personally committing evil …” How can you contemplate joining him?’ Confucius conceded that those were indeed his words, while at the same time lamenting the fact that he was not being put to use. Again, he listened to Zilu.13 In both instances Zilu appears to have been trying to protect Confucius from temptation and from behaviour that was unfitting for a gentleman. Zilu was not always successful. On another occasion on their long journey, while Confucius and his group were staying in Wei and hoping to find employment with Duke Ling, Confucius received an invitation from the Duke’s wife Nanzi, to visit her. Although Nanzi was a woman of questionable reputation, Confucius believed that protocol required him to accept her invitation and he did so. After the visit, which was conducted in an appropriate manner, Zilu was furious that Confucius had associated himself with such a woman and again chided his master, but this time after the fact.

  Despite their complex relationship over the years and their differences of opinion and behaviour, Confucius and Zilu, separated by only nine years of age, remained close and grew to be old men together. Of all of his followers Zilu was arguably his most devoted, and this dedication was clear on many occasions. As Confucius had predicted, Zilu was indeed successful in attaining a job in the Lu government despite his rural background. Zilu undoubtedly felt that he owed his post to his Master, and so, shortly after his own appointment, he used his own authority to make sure Confucius was hired by Duke Ding. Later, acting out of the same sense of gratitude and loyalty to his mentor, Zilu joined Confucius in resigning his hard-earned position and followed him as a loyal retainer on his journey out of Lu. (After Confucius eventually returned to Lu, Zilu remained in the state of Wei serving the Duke. He died in his early sixties in a battle, loyally fighting to defend his lord who had treated him so well.)

  Zigong

  Another student who is also believed to have joined Confucius on his great journey was Duanmu Si, best known by his courtesy name, Zigong (b. 520 BC). According to Sima Qian, Zigong was a native of Wei, to the west of Lu,14 and he must have travelled a considerable distance to study under Confucius. He joined Confucius’ school during the period when Confucius was focusing on teaching and research in his thirties and forties, so is one of the second generation of students who were roughly thirty years younger than their Ma
ster. Zigong appears to have been one of Confucius’ brighter, more enthusiastic and accomplished students and is mentioned often in The Analects, usually questioning Confucius on how best to become a true gentleman. Confucius generally thought well of him and once gave him high praise in a discussion about what it takes to be a junzi. Zigong asked Confucius if the following would be a good description of a good man: ‘“Poor without servility; rich without arrogance.” How is that?’ Confucius replied, ‘Not bad, but better still: “Poor, yet cheerful; rich yet considerate”‘ To this, Zigong quoted The Book of Songs: ‘“Like carving horn, like sculpting ivory, like cutting jade, like polishing stone.” Is this not the same idea?’ Confucius was delighted that Zigong could allude so skilfully to the important text in a discussion about refining one’s character. He exclaimed, ‘Ah, one can really begin to discuss the Poems [Songs] with you! I tell you one thing, and you can figure out the rest.’15 Confucius clearly relished such conversations with bright young minds like Zigong, as he considered them to be quicker-witted, more emotionally generous and less rigid than men of his own age. Sparring with them apparently kept his own mind sharp and helped him to formulate his thoughts more clearly.16

 

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