The Wit and Wisdom of Ted Kennedy

by Bill Adler

  —Speech, National Press Club,

  Washington, DC, January 11, 1995

  What we were, what we are, and what we shall be as a nation and as individuals are closely bound up with that single, simple phrase “Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech.”

  —Speech, June 13, 1978

  Diversity—e pluribus unum—“out of many, one,” is not just a slogan on our coins but the founding political principle of our nation. Too often in those years [of the Reagan and Bush presidencies] it was replaced by the politics of division, and progress was far more difficult than it should have been.

  —Remarks on civil rights, October 22, 1993

  We know that the struggle for equality is not over. Even with affirmative action, there are significant racial disparities in higher education between minority students and white students. Currently, African-Americans enroll in higher education at 85% the rate of white students. Latinos enroll in higher education at only 80% the rate of white students. As a country, we need to work to close that gap not—as the Administration now proposes—to widen it.

  —Statement on Affirmative Action,

  January 15, 2003

  I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt—or religious belief.

  —Speech at Liberty University,

  October 3, 1983

  In light of the ideological-driven selection of judicial nominees, it would be wrong to ask Senators to ignore the nominee’s ideology. Neither the constitution itself nor historical practice demands blindness to this ideological pattern of nominations. Judicial nominees who come before the Senate should have not only the qualifications and temperament to be a judge. They should also be committed to democratic principles and ideals. Nominees should respect our judicial system and the co-equal relationship between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches.

  —Remarks at the American Constitution Society’s

  conference on “The State of the Judiciary,”

  September 25, 2002

  The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.

  —Speech at Liberty University,

  October 3, 1983

  We must end the continuing blatant discrimination in our voting laws. If I could, I would lock every door in the Supreme Court but one, and require all nine justices to enter every morning through the majestic main door above which are inscribed in marble the four simple, basic words that are the foundation of America and always will be: “Equal Justice Under Law.” Because when we say “all,” we must mean “all.”

  —Remarks on Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday,

  Peoples Congregational United Church of Christ,

  January 14, 2001

  Too often, “Equal Justice Under Law” has been reduced to an empty slogan for too many. It is wrong to leave people powerless against injustice because they can’t afford the kind of justice that is there for the asking by the wealthy. A right without a remedy is no right at all.

  —Remarks on Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday,

  Peoples Congregational United Church of Christ,

  January 14, 2001

  While economic growth is important to all Americans, it is absolutely essential for black Americans. It is the indispensible condition of black progress. Other groups may have achieved a level of comfort for themselves, but they have no right to stop the engines of growth before others have begun to board the train.

  —Speech, May 7, 1978

  Much remains to be done to secure equal opportunity for women. Enactment of the Equal Rights Amendment alone will not undo generations of economic injustice, but it will encourage women in all parts of the country in their efforts to obtain fairness under the nation’s laws.

  —Statement on the Equal Rights Amendment,

  March 22, 2001

  After two hundred years I think it is safe to say that women in America are now demanding full equality in every aspect of American life. And after two hundred years I think they have every right to expect it. Nor can this nation afford to deny it.

  —Speech, May 18, 1976

  In the rapid pace of society and its emphasis on youth and mobility, the handicapped have been left behind, relegated to the backwaters of society, ostracized by their contemporaries, victimized by unfair attitudes of discrimination.

  —Speech, June 28, 1978

  In June, in its landmark decision in Lawrence v. Texas, the Supreme Court struck down a Texas law that made homosexual conduct a crime. … Predictably, the Court’s decision has been denounced by some of our colleagues in Congress. The Republican Policy Committee in the Senate recently published a paper declaring that the decision “gave aid and comfort” to “activist lawyers” who seek to “force same-sex marriage on society through pliant, activist courts.” Only an amendment to the Constitution, the report states, can prevent this result. The Constitution is the foundation of our democracy. It reflects the enduring principles of our country. Notwithstanding the views of some of my Republican colleagues, the Constitution does not need a makeover.

  —Remarks in opposition to a proposed

  Constitutional amendment on the definition of

  marriage, September 4, 2003

  It’s fundamentally wrong to discriminate against gays and lesbians by denying them the many benefits and protections that the laws of the state provide for married couples. Being part of a family is a basic right. It means having loved ones with whom to build a future, to share life’s joys and tears. It means having the right to be treated fairly by the tax code, to visit loved ones in the hospital, and to receive health benefits, family leave benefits, and survivor benefits. I urge my colleagues to reject efforts to write that kind of bigotry into federal law.

  —Statement on equal rights for

  gays and lesbians, April 13, 2005

  As far back as Justinian’s Rome, criminal codes have been symbols of justice, examples of society’s commitment to the principles of fairness. In this respect, the current federal criminal code is a disgrace. Congresses over the years have enacted some three thousand criminal laws, piling one on top of another until we have a structure that looks more like a Rube Goldberg contraption than a comprehensive criminal code.

  —Speech, January, 19, 1978

  We [in Congress] enacted the landmark Americans With Disabilities Act, bringing comprehensive protection for the rights of forty-three million Americans. Because of that law, fellow citizens across the country are finally learning that “disabled” does not mean “unable.”

  —Remarks on civil rights legislation,

  October 22, 1993

  Today we seek to take the next step on this journey of justice by banning discrimination based on sexual orientation. … We know we cannot change attitudes overnight. But the great lesson of American history is that changes in the law are an essential step in breaking down barriers of bigotry, exposing prejudice for what it is, and building a strong and fair nation.

  —Statement on the Employment

  Non-Discrimination Act of 1995

  ON LEADERSHIP

  AND COURAGE

  ONE OF TED KENNEDY’S FORMATIVE EXPERIENCES WAS his meeting with the king and queen of England, who came to pay a call on his father, Joseph P. Kennedy, the newly appointed Ambassador to the Court of St. James, in the year before England’s entry into World War II. Kennedy recalled having to be “gussied up” for the occasion. He was six years old. He had already met the young princess Elizabeth at Wind
sor Castle on a previous occasion. This marked the beginning of a lifetime of getting to know world leaders. There is hardly an important figure on the world scene in the past 60 years that Ted Kennedy has not met at one time or another. He spoke with Nelson Mandela just four days after his release from his 27-year imprisonment in South Africa; he has met with the heads of the world’s great religions from the Pope to the Dalai Lama. Safe to say, then, that this was a man who knew leadership when he saw it. And often in his speeches he would cite examples of leadership, both from those he knew well and from those renowned in history.

  But he was just as quick to recognize and pay tribute to the extraordinary leadership and courage of those whose names remain obscure. His 1999 eulogy for six firefighters from Worcester, Massachusetts, who gave their lives to save others, is as moving as any praise of Nobel Peace Prize winners.

  He has also recognized the courage of lone dissenters, steadfast individuals who refuse to bow to the pressure of dictators or bureaucracies abroad, just as he has stood up for whistleblowers at home, people who refuse to bow to political pressure or self-interest to keep on doing what conscience tells them is right. At times Senator Kennedy has occupied this role himself. When the pundits of the media were all saying that liberalism was a dying creed and when so many other politicians were hastening to disassociate themselves from “the L-word,” Senator Kennedy was one of the few not to edge away from his core beliefs. After the Republicans took control of both the House and the Senate in the mid-1990s, and tax-cutting and “small government” became all the rage, Senator Kennedy protested the end of effective programs that gave hope to the poor, so that the rich could pay less than their fair share. He stayed firm in his opposition to the death penalty when it was political risky to do so. In 1994, Republican Mitt Romney challenged him for his supposedly “safe” Senate seat, and for some months of the campaign, it was neck-and-neck between them in the polls. He was fighting for his political life.

  Even so, he persisted in defending the civil liberties of despised groups, including undocumented immigrants and terrorism suspects in Guantanamo. He would not budge in his opposition to any justification for torture—it was immoral, and a disgrace to our American ideals, he said.

  It was with this same courage and square-jawed determination that enabled him to live his life to the full in the face of his diagnosis of brain cancer. And, as he reports in his memoir, True Compass, he has been rewarded with a final year of life filled with faith, joy, and love.

  The events of September 11th made clear that our nation’s public safety officers are true heroes. While the pictures of tired, dust-covered fire fighters confronting unimaginable horror at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon are permanently emblazoned on our minds, so also is the memory of their strength and courage. We will never forget the example those brave men and women set that day. The dedication and resolve of fire fighters in the face of life-threatening danger truly represent the best in America.

  —Speech at the Legislative Conference

  of the International Association

  of Fire Fighters, March 19, 2002

  There is still much to learn by walking in [Dr. Martin Luther King’s] path. His views are still timely. Nearly 33 years have passed, but readers today would think they are seeing the work of the best of today’s social commentators. His great speech touches on many specific issues that are especially important now, such as education, economic opportunity, community reinvestment, affordable housing and home ownership. He describes successful grassroots efforts that are still relevant models for today.

  Most important, Dr. King reminds us that the effects of hundreds of years of slavery and segregation cannot be wiped away in a few years. The work goes on. Clearly, we’ve made remarkable progress since 1967, and all Americans owe Dr. King a tremendous debt of gratitude. But we are still fighting his fight for economic justice and full equality.

  —Speech at Boston’s 7th Annual Tribute

  to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,

  January 17, 2000

  Today, our souls ache for the loss of James and Jeremiah, and Joseph and Paul, and Timothy and Thomas’six good and decent men, strong men and magnificent public servants, who gave their lives unselfishly and courageously in the line of duty.

  Every day, they accepted the peril of their jobs with unflinching hearts and unwavering spirits. They faced dangers on a daily basis that few of us can even imagine. Time and time again, they battled fires, rescued children, saved lives and returned to the firehouse with the quiet pride of knowing that they truly did make the difference. Now they have gone to God, and we gather here to celebrate their lives and mourn their loss.

  In these agonizing days, we draw strength from the message of hope they left behind. On the honor roll of heroes, these six deserve the highest laurels. In our quest to teach our children about character, we can point to each of them—their sacrifice, their commitment, their faith, their willingness to brave the odds.

  —Eulogy for the six Worcester,

  MA firemen killed in the line of duty,

  December 9, 1999

  I entered public life with a young President [his brother, John F. Kennedy] who inspired a generation and the world. It gives me great hope that as I leave, another young President inspires another generation and once more on America’s behalf inspires the entire world.

  —Letter to President Obama, May 12, 2009

  Last night the nation paused to pay tribute to Rosa Parks, whose life and dedication to equal opportunity for each and every American will be forever written in the heart and souls of the nation and in the pages of our history. The light that shone in the Capitol last night cast its beams across the country. The tears of the Parks family were the tears of a nation that will remain eternally in the debt to this great woman who became a profile in courage for our time and all time. When Rosa Parks sat down half a century ago, America stood up. Her quiet fight for equality sounded the bells of freedom for millions and awakened the moral conscience of the nation. We will always remember that great December, when Rosa Parks sat alone, so that others could sit together.

  —Tribute to Rosa Parks, October 31, 2005

  He [Ronald Reagan] was always a good friend and a gracious foe. He wanted to defeat his opponents, but not destroy them.

  —Remarks about former President Reagan,

  April 2007 (quoted on Politico.com)

  Individual faults and frailties are no excuse to give in—and no exemption from the common obligation to give of ourselves.

  —Ted Kennedy quotation

  read by President Barack Obama

  as part of his eulogy

  delivered at the funeral mass,

  August 29, 2009.

  The strength of the family is our greatest national treasure.

  —Speech, May 26, 1976

  We do not need more study. We do not need more analysis. We do not need more rhetoric. What we need is more leadership and commitment.

  —Speech, July 27, 1972

  It does not take a constitutional amendment to reduce the federal deficit or balance the federal budget. All it takes is enough courage by Congress and the administration to make the tough decisions we’re elected to make. If we’re not willing to balance the budget, the Constitution can’t do it for us.

  —Statement opposing the Balanced Budget

  Amendment, March 1, 1994

  The challenges we face will require important changes in the structure of our institutions. It will not be easy to fit these changes into old categories, liberal or conservative, radical or reactionary. Instead, they will bring to our public life new meanings for old words in our political dialogue—words such as “power,” “community,” and “purpose.”

  —Speech, May 14, 1978

  If Democrats run for cover, if we become pale carbon copies of the opposition and try to act like Republicans, we will lose—and deserve to lose. … Democrats must be more than warmed-over Republicans. The last th
ing this country needs is two Republican parties.

  —Speech at the National Press Club,

  January 11, 1995, shortly before the swearing-in

  of the new Congress under Republican control

  The most troublesome questions confronting Americans do not have Republican answers or Democratic answers. … They have human answers, and American answers, for they are the questions that ask what kind of life we want to lead and what kind of nation we want to have.

  —Commencement address,

  Manhattanville College, June 12, 1970

  This Administration has had its chance—and it failed the basic test of competence. It failed to deploy adequate focus in Iraq to win the peace. It failed at Abu Ghraib. It failed in granting sweetheart deals to Halliburton. It has failed the loss-of-confidence test, the basic test of Presidential leadership.

  —Remarks on the Senate floor

  on the Bush Administration’s

  multiple failures of leadership in Iraq,

  September 10, 2004

  Part of the larger challenge we face is that Congress is a crisis-oriented institution, with few mechanisms and little inclination to deal with problems before they become acute. … We need better distant early warning signals, better mechanisms and institutional arrangements for handling problems which are not yet brush fires, but which are already smoldering and may well cause the conflagrations of the future.

  —Speech, April 30, 1979

  Dissent, like so many other things in the America of 1970, has become too comfortable. It takes five minutes to draw the letters on a protest sign, but it takes a lifetime of dedicated service to make a contribution to society.