The Wit and Wisdom of Ted Kennedy

by Bill Adler

  Our action must strike a careful balance between protecting civil liberties and providing the means for law enforcement to identify, apprehend and detain potential terrorists. It makes no sense to enact reforms that severely limit immigration into the United States. “Fortress America,” even if it could be achieved, is an inadequate and ineffective response to the terrorist threat.

  —Statement on the Introduction of the

  Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry

  Reform Act of 2001, November 30, 2001

  DEMOCRACY AND

  HUMAN RIGHTS

  TED KENNEDY WAS BOTH A BIG “D” DEMOCRAT AND A small “d” democrat. That is to say, he was both a ferocious defender of his party and a deep believer in the virtues of a system in which the people choose their leaders. He was also an astute observer of the way democracies function and how they are sometimes ill-served by overly partisan politics or by majority rule at the expense of minority rights. He critiqued the workings of democracy, both at home and abroad, and was even more vocal when it came to his appraisal of countries like China, which lack democracy, or post-Soviet Russia, where democratic practices have too often been compromised or abridged.

  The big risk to democracy at home, as the senator has pointed out, comes when politicians put themselves ahead of the public interest or are not honest with the voters. Democracy’s lifeblood is an educated and informed electorate, able to keep track of politicians’ deeds, able to call them to account when they say one thing but do another. In that way democracy is dependent upon both a free press and the freedom of its citizens to follow their own conscience when those in power would have them bend to the majority’s will.

  Democracy without human rights is the tyranny of the majority. That may be better than the tyranny of an individual dictator, but it’s a difference of scale, not principle.

  Ted Kennedy was never one to shrink from criticizing an undemocratic action wherever he saw it, whether in foreign governments, in his own government, or yes, even occasionally in his own party, the Democrats with a capital D.

  Integrity is the lifeblood of democracy. Deceit is a poison in its veins.

  —Speech at the Brookings Institution,

  April 5, 2004

  The American people care deeply about human rights around the world. But they also believe that human rights begin at home.

  —Speech, June 9, 1977

  The more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.

  —Speech at Liberty University,

  October 3, 1983

  [America is] not a continent, not an arsenal, not wealth and factories—but a democratic republic. Call it democracy or freedom, call it human liberty or individual opportunity, equality or justice, but underneath they are all the same—the belief in the right and capacity of every individual to govern himself and to share in governing the necessary institutions of social order.

  —Speech, May 14, 1978

  Community service is not a new idea in America. It is the essence of democracy. Throughout our history, we have dealt most effectively with the issues facing our country when we have come together to help one another.

  —Statement at the Senate Judiciary Committee

  hearing for the Martin Luther King Holiday and

  Service Act, April 13, 1994

  Citizenship is far more than just voting every two years or four years. The strength and genius of our democracy depends on the caring and involvement of our people, and we cannot truly secure our freedom without appealing to the character of our citizens. If we fail, we open the way for abuses of power in the hands of the few, for neglect of poverty and bigotry, and for arrogant foreign policies that shatter our alliances and make enemies of our friends.

  —Address to the National Press Club,

  Washington, DC, January 12, 2005

  Public education is one of the finest achievements of American democracy.

  —Press conference on the Bush

  education budget, March 20, 2001

  Hate crimes are a national disgrace—an attack on everything this country stands for. They send a poisonous message that some Americans are second class citizens who deserve to be victimized solely because of their race, their ethnic background, their religion, their sexual orientation, their gender or their disability. These senseless crimes have a destructive and devastating impact not only on individual victims, but entire communities. If America is to live up to its founding ideals of liberty and justice for all, combating hate crimes must be a national priority.

  —Statement on Hate Crimes Prevention

  Legislation, March 27, 2001

  One of the basic assumptions of our political system is that large centers of unaccountable power are inconsistent with democratic government and the values of a free society. If there is a single theme that ties together the best in both liberal and conservative political traditions, it is this hostility to unchecked power. If the awesome power of giant corporations is no longer adequately checked by the discipline of the market, it is not just our pocketbook that is in jeopardy, it is our liberty.

  —Speech, May 3, 1977

  Public financing of elections is the wisest possible investment that American taxpayers can make in the future of their country.

  —Speech, May 5, 1977

  Too often in recent years we have allowed debates on major issues to be polarized beyond the point of no return. We cannot afford to let bad debate drive out the good.

  —Speech, November 2, 1975

  Our large cities are totally impersonal: They crank human beings through their daily activities. Our large universities are totally impersonal: They stamp out people with fixed credentials. Our large industries are totally impersonal: They employ people in repetitive tasks empty of a sense of value. Our large units of government are totally impersonal: They exist for their own sake rather than for the people they serve. And all these institutions seem unresponsive to the individual complaint or desire. There is a general sense of helplessness, a feeling of uselessness.

  —Acceptance speech for nomination as a

  candidate for re-election to the U.S. Senate

  at the Massachusetts Democratic Convention,

  Amherst, June 12, 1970

  Earlier this week, scientists announced the completion of a task that once seemed unimaginable—deciphering the entire DNA sequence of the human genetic code. This amazing accomplishment is likely to affect the 21st century as profoundly as the invention of the computer or the splitting of the atom affected the 20th century. The 21st century may well be the century of the life sciences, and nothing makes that point more clearly than this momentous discovery.

  These new discoveries bring with them remarkable new opportunities for improving health care. But they also carry the danger that genetic information will be used, not to improve the lives of Americans, but as a basis for discrimination. Genetic discrimination may sound like something new and hard to understand, but it’s not. Discrimination on the basis of a person’s genetic traits is as unacceptable as discrimination on the basis of gender, skin color, or any other unalterable condition of a person’s birth. Genetic discrimination is wrong, whether it takes place on a job application or in the office of an insurance underwriter.

  —Statement on Genetic Discrimination,

  June 29, 2000

  Policy formation without public participation is like faith and hope without charity.

  —Speech, June 3, 1975

  America’s national pie is big enough for us all to share.

  —Comments on farming policies, May 26, 1976

  I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.

  I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guar
d those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.

  —Speech at Liberty University, October 3, 1983

  Vital U.S. interests would clearly be served by implementing a lasting peace in Bosnia. All of us are familiar with the massacres and the atrocities that have characterized this brutal war. … Ending the carnage and restoring peace and stability to this part of Europe will prevent the kind of wider war that would inevitably involve the United States—and under far greater risk. Twice in this century Americans have died in battle in massive wars in Europe. … The peace, security, and freedom of Europe are still a vital interest of the United States today.

  —Statement at Senate Armed Services

  hearing on Bosnia, November 18, 1995

  Apartheid concerns everyone directly because it involves the whole future pattern of human relations. Apartheid is in conflict with the accepted principle of equality in rights of all human beings, and therefore it represents a challenge to the conscience of all mankind.

  —Address, Senate Finance Committee,

  June 21, 1971

  Will America support peoples of Africa who seek only the “unalienable rights” we sought and won ourselves two centuries ago? Or will we continue to follow policies that isolate us from these peoples—policies that place us on the side of minority governments that deny basic human rights, and that invite the involvement of other outside powers?

  —Speech, March 23, 1976

  ECONOMIC JUSTICE AND THE

  AMERICAN WORKER

  TED KENNEDY WAS BORN INTO A RICH FAMILY; HE NEVER wanted for any material thing at any time in his life. Yet the whole of his adult career was a quest for economic justice. In every political fight over wages, tax equity, allocation of national resources, regulation of business and industry, he came down on the side of working families and the disadvantaged.

  What explains this dedication to a purpose that so conflicts with his own economic interests? His editor and publisher, Jonathan Karp, interviewed by Terry Gross on NPR’s “Fresh Air” program, suggested that his motivation sprang from two powerful influences, both from the very start of his life: First, his parents, Joseph and Rose Kennedy, though they ultimately “made it” in society, never stopped identifying with the struggles of the poor Irish immigrants from whom both were descended. They imparted to all their children a strong message not to forget their roots, and not to forget those still struggling, those subject to present-day discrimination and unequal access to the American dream. The second, equally powerful influence—perhaps surprising to those who think of Senator Kennedy as strong advocate for the “wall of separation between church and state—”was his Roman Catholic faith. He especially took to heart the verses in Matthew in which Jesus says that whoever serves the poor serves Him.

  He translated that passion for service into effective legislative action, as President Barack Obama noted after his death: “For five decades, virtually every major piece of legislation to advance the civil rights, health and economic well being of the American people bore his name and resulted from his efforts.”

  It won’t be “mission accomplished” on the economy until average Americans are secure in their jobs and can provide for their families.

  —As quoted in Reuters article, “Bush, advisers

  paint rosy picture of U.S. economy,”

  August 9, 2005

  The history of our nation rests on the skills of its workers no less than on the achievements of its scholars.

  —Speech, October 19, 1975

  It’s time to raise the minimum wage for America’s lowest paid workers. This Sense of the Senate resolution can send a clear message that help is on the way for the lowest paid, hard-working Americans struggling to keep their families afloat and their dignity intact. It’s wrong when a paycheck for a 40-hour work week isn’t enough to feed a family of four. We intend to right that wrong by raising the minimum wage. We are talking about … real people. They are teacher’s aides and child care workers. They work in clothing stores and airports. They clean and maintain buildings all across the country. … Their ability to support their families depends on whether we vote to increase the minimum wage.

  —Statement in support of the Sense of the Senate

  Resolution to Raise the Minimum Wage,

  March 25, 1999

  Americans are working harder and earning less. … They are worried about losing their jobs, losing their health insurance, affording their children’s education, caring for their elderly parents, and somehow saving for their own retirement. The rich are still getting richer, but more and more families are left out and left behind. The rising tide that once lifted all boats now lifts only the yachts.

  —Statement on the introduction of

  The American Workers Economic Security Act,

  quoted in Roll Call, March 25, 1996

  Fewer hungry people are not good enough—we want no hungry people anywhere in America. It’s a matter of simple justice.

  —End Hunger Now Rally,

  February 29, 2000

  The Republican Congress raised their own pay by a juicy $4,600 last year—but they continue to block a fair raise for the nation’s lowest paid workers. Republican Members of Congress didn’t blink at giving themselves a pay raise. Yet they deny—and continue to deny—a fair increase for workers at the bottom of the economic ladder. Our Republican friends preach the value of work—and then deny a fair day’s pay for a full day’s work.

  —White House Rally for the Minimum Wage,

  March 8, 2000

  It is disgraceful that hard-working women and people of color are still battling wage disparities and pay discrimination on the job. There is a wealth of evidence that shows that the wage gap still continues to plague American families, and that wage discrimination continues to be a serious and pervasive problem in workplaces across the country. In spite of the progress we have made, women still earn only 76 cents for every dollar earned by men. African American women earn just 64 cents, and Latinas earn only 54 cents for every dollar earned by white men.

  —Statement on Equal Pay Day,

  April 3, 2001

  These facts don’t lie. Over the past three decades, the extraordinary benefits of our record prosperity have been flagrantly skewed in favor of the wealthiest members of society. Today, the top one percent of households have more wealth than the entire bottom 95 percent combined.

  This extreme and widening disparity is disturbing, especially when so many Americans are working harder and longer. Parents are spending less and less time with their families—22 hours less a week, according to a study last year by the Council of Economic Advisers. Thirteen percent of all Americans are working a second job just to make ends meet. And these extra hours at work mean that the parents have less time to be with their children.

  —White House Rally for the Minimum Wage,

  March 8, 2000

  A sound economy is the greatest social program America has ever had, the source of our hopes for action on all the other issues facing us.

  —Speech, April 2, 1976

  America cannot successfully compete with newly industrializing nations on the basis of which country can pay the lowest wages. It’s a mistake to even try. It makes no sense to run a race to the bottom.

  —Speech at the Conference of The National

  Association of Private Industry Councils,

  February 27, 1995

  The American economy has deteriorated for more than two years, and the patient’s vital signs continue to falter. President Bush and Republicans in Congress have responded by prescribing quack medicine—tax cuts for the wealthy that do nothing to cure the patient’s illness. Even though the patient keeps getting worse, the President just keeps prescribing larger and larger doses of the same quack medicine, with a louder quack.

  —Statement on the economy and the

  plight of America’s workers,

  May 7, 2003

  The
aim of tax reform is not to plow up the whole garden but to get rid of the weeds so that we can let the flowers grow.

  —Speech, July 1, 1977

  People want to end loopholes in the tax laws, so that those who eat at the most expensive restaurants will pay their bill themselves, instead of making the Treasury foot the bill through tax deductions that are nothing more than food stamps for the rich.

  —Speech, September 30, 1978

  This issue [pension plan fairness] presents a stark choice about who we represent here in the Senate. “Which side are you on?” Are we on the side of the workers and retirees who struggle to find some economic security in their old age, or the side of the wheeler-dealers, corporate raiders, and the super-rich?

  —Statement on pension plan reversions,

  November 11, 1995

  The sad fact is that today small companies and private citizens are Davids without slingshots, competing against corporate Goliaths in wars of attrition which have become increasingly difficult to win. The American people are not just concerned about “big government”—they are also concerned about the control exerted by “big business.”

  —Speech, August 7, 1978

  Nearly one in five U.S. families is headed by a single woman—yet these women continue to earn the lowest average rate of pay. Women are entitled to the same paychecks as their male colleagues who are performing the same or comparable work. Without pay equality, women are less able to provide an economic safety net for themselves and their families.

  —Statement on Equal Pay Day,

  April 3, 2001

  I regard competition as the cornerstone of our free enterprise system. Along with the Bill of Rights, it is the most important and distinguishing feature of our nation in the world community, a beacon for many other nations who are striving to emulate our two-hundred-year-old example of freedom and prosperity.