Aristocrats Go to War: Uncovering the Zillebeke Cemetery

by Jerry Murland

  Chapter 10

  The Last Stand

  Captain Norman Neill resumed his duties as Brigade Major of 7 Cavalry Brigade on 1 November 1914. Although his absence had been a short one, much had changed since his evacuation to hospital on 20 October. The news of friends in the casualty lists would have probably reached him at Bolougne but the full story of Zandvoorde would not have been unfurled until his return. After his wounding on the Passchendaele Road, the telegram informing his wife, Eleanor, arrived at Yew Tree Cottage in the Surrey village of Merrow, near Guildford. The family had only recently moved there from Hursley where they had lived with their daughter Audrey during Norman’s appointment to the Staff College at Camberley. No doubt he soon put Eleanor’s mind at rest making light of his wounds and assuring her he would be careful once he was back with the brigade.

  His arrival back at brigade headquarters coincided with a spell of good weather during which the officers and men took advantage of a rare opportunity to relax and enjoy the sunshine. Writing to Lady Sarah on the morning of 2 November 1914 Gordon Wilson was in an optimistic mood:

  ‘We are held in reserve today, as yesterday, and will probably be put into the firing line, in the trenches, this evening. Last night I slept in a chateâu near here, out of which General Lomax and his staff were blown by a big shell the previous day, two [sic] being killed. Although a few shells fell during the night, no harm was done to man or horses. This is a glorious day and I write this in the sun, in a wood of pine trees, with a battery of ours in action 50 yards away, over which the enemy are now bursting their shrapnel … I have had some parcels from Fortnum’s which have been acceptable, but chiefly butter and milk tins. I think some preserved plums and Muscatels would be very good … please ask Fortnum and Mason to send me a pair of their service boots. They can get my size from my boot maker, Tom Hill, opposite Tattersalls, Knightsbridge. They are very soft and comfortable and should be a size bigger than one’s ordinary boots.’

  Gordon Wilson and the Blues were in Sanctuary Wood as was the remainder of the brigade. The men of 1/Life Guards were also enjoying the sunshine and being out of the firing line; Regy Wyndham in particular enjoying a change from his usual diet of army rations:

  ‘Some lovely boxes of food came sent by Phyllis Brooks. We spent the morning sitting in the sun, reading our letters and eating Phyllis Brooks’ present.’1

  Unfortunately the brief morning’s sojourn soon came to an abrupt end when a call from the infantry near Gheluvelt had them galloping down the Menin Road under heavy shellfire. The bursting shrapnel was uncomfortably close to the advancing horsemen and before long some of it found its mark on both man and beast. Regy’s horse, Wressle, was hit as they crossed some open ground:

  ‘In the afternoon we were suddenly galloped off to the Ypres-Menin road. We had to cross a field under heavy shrapnel fire. Wressle whom I was riding went end over end … in the evening after firing ceased, went down to where Wressle lay. He was not killed, and whinnied to me as I came up, but could not get up … took what I could off Wressle and shot the poor horse. It was pitiable to hear him whinny to me.’

  Wressle was one of the two horses Regy had brought with him from England at the start of the campaign and the animal had been hit by shrapnel through the shoulder. The regiment suffered one man killed and five more wounded in their short excursion to Gheluvelt and it was only when Regy returned later that evening, having got a lift in a Belgian armoured motor, that his name was removed from the missing list. The regiment was bivouacked east of Zillebeke where they were again shelled during the night, losing four more horses and one man killed. ‘Being shelled while one is between blankets’ he wrote the next morning, ‘is most un-nerving.’

  Wednesday, 4 November was another fine, sunny day and 1/Life Guards were back in reserve at Sanctuary Wood finishing off the contents of Phyllis Brooks’ hamper. A little further south near Klein Zillebeke, 2/Grenadier Guards were on the receiving end of the usual daily German artillery barrage. In what was the last entry Bernard Gordon Lennox would make in his diary he mourns the loss of friends and reveals his fears for his own survival:

  ‘I suppose one gets inured to seeing all one’s best friends taken away from one and can only think one is lucky enough to be here oneself – for the present.’

  The Grenadiers’ positions in the woods at Zwarteleen were systematically shelled on a daily basis in an attempt to break the line and force a gap through which the waiting German infantry could advance. So far, German infantry attacks had repeatedly failed to make an impression against the resolute rifle and machine-gun fire that the British front line troops poured into the advancing waves of infantry. Lieutenant Colonel Wilfred Smith, commanding 2/Grenadier Guards, noted in a letter to his wife that ‘we have killed hundreds in the last few days and these woods are full of them, poor things.’ But far from giving up, German infantry were now seen to be entrenching a new line only some 300 yards away, clearly another infantry assault was being planned.

  The attack came after the early morning mist had cleared on Friday, 6 November. The French infantry under the overall command of General De Moussy were holding the defensive line that ran roughly from the Ypres-Comines Canal to the Klein Zillebeke road. North of the French were the Irish Guards and beyond them the Grenadiers in position along the line of the Brown Road. With the clearing of the mist came the expected artillery bombardment which was followed after two hours by German infantry attacks all along the line. The initial wave was repulsed everywhere leaving heaps of enemy dead and wounded in the now bright sunshine of the morning. The second, far more determined attack, which appeared to be focused on the French positions, succeeded in breaking the resolve of the French and opening up a considerable gap. The French retirement in the face of this attack was the beginning of a collapse that impacted directly on the now exposed right flank of the Irish Guards and it was not long before the Irish line gave way completely, leaving the Grenadiers’ trench line open to a similar flanking attack. The whole house of cards was now in great danger of collapsing and it was only the fortitude of the Grenadiers who stood their ground and managed to swing their threatened flank back to the relative security of the Brown Road that prevented a total disaster.

  As soon as news filtered through that the Irish Guards’ line had broken, Colonel Smith sent Harry Parnell and Number 3 Platoon with Carleton Tufnell and his machine-gun section to open fire on the infantry who were advancing through the gap. While this did not hold them up, it did slow the advance down as the Grenadiers fired down one of the wide rides in the wood directly into their right flank, exacting a heavy toll on the German infantrymen. But the situation was far from being contained. Once in position it would have been immediately clear to Tufnell that, despite the fire power of his machine guns and the additional support of Harry Parnell’s rifle platoon, more support was going to be needed if the breakthrough was to be halted. But help was at hand; an urgent call had been sent to Kavanagh’s ‘Fire Brigade’ to come to their assistance. There is some difference of opinion as to who exactly ordered 7 Cavalry Brigade to assist Lord Cavan’s forces on the afternoon of 6 November 1914. An article in The Times in 1924 suggested that Haig himself gave the order while other contemporary sources insist Lord Cavan, as the local commander on the ground, sent word to Kavanagh’s Brigade which was in Sanctuary Wood. Whoever was responsible for the order it set in motion a dismounted cavalry action that many feel was more brilliant than, and just as crucial as, the charge of the Worcesters a week earlier at Gheluvelt. In fact if the German breakthrough had succeeded at Zwarteleen there were precious few, if any, reserves to have prevented Ypres from falling.

  Kavanagh’s troops were directed to approach over Observatory Ridge to avoid revealing themselves too much before they deployed across the line of the French retreat. Just short of the village of Zwarteleen the brigade dismounted under fire and with the Blues held in support, both Life Guards regiments advanced at the double astride the Zillebeke-Zwart
eleen Road towards the Klein Zillebeke Ridge to meet the enemy. With them went Harry Parnell and Carleton Tufnell together with some Irish Guards and those French troops that could be found. 1/Life Guards with Regy Wyndham and Howard St George attacked the trenches that had been abandoned earlier in the morning by the Irish Guards; their spirited bayonet charge was enough to expel the occupying German troops and regain the lost position. Realizing just how weak the line was at this point, Harry Parnell confirmed his cool and rational behaviour under fire by collecting together several Irish Guardsmen to both strengthen his own platoon and link up with the Royal Sussex on his left. The Irish Guardsmen were completely devoid of weapons and ammunition, having abandoned everything when they had left their trenches in near panic but Harry went out personally and collected rifles and ammunition from casualties to rearm the Irishmen. Placing them amongst his own men, he was able to hold the gap all through the hours of darkness until relieved the next morning.

  While this was taking place 2/Life Guards and William Petersen advanced along a line that ran from the edge of the railway line across the open ground to the village of Zwarteleen. 2/Life Guards, war diary is almost certainly the most accurate account of the subsequent fight:

  ‘The regiment … was ordered to establish itself on the Klein Zillebeke Ridge keeping in touch with the 1st Life Guards on the right, who were to conform with the right of the Guards Brigade. Major Hon Dawnay ordered B Squadron across the open [to] occupy the high ground in front. D Squadron was sent across the Zillebeke-Zwarteleen road to secure the right flank by moving parallel to the railway. C Troop and machine guns were kept in reserve ready to support B Squadron. The latter squadron succeeded in reaching the edge of the wood on the ridge after some fighting owing to the enemy being in possession of several houses. Almost at once the right flank of B Squadron became open to enfilade fire which caused Major Dawnay to order the squadron to fall back slowly by troops. … The squadron was then ordered to fix bayonets and charge the wood while C Troop was taken by the CO to fill the gap which had occurred between the two squadrons. This troop vigorously attacked the village of Zwarteleen using the bayonet with great effect, taking a certain number of prisoners. B Squadron meanwhile drove back the enemy several hundred yards and occupied a ditch 200 yards from their position.’

  The village was filled with British, French and German troops fighting at close-quarters; the aggressive energy of the cavalrymen had stirred their allies and French and British fought alongside each other to push the enemy back along the road. They were successful; the gap was closed and Zwarteleen recovered. But the fight was far from over. Just when it appeared the situation had been restored to some resemblance of normality, the French on the right of 2/Life Guards gave way again, opening up yet another gap which the enemy was quick to capitalize on. 2/Life Guards’ war diary again:

  ‘Owing to the French infantry again falling back, B Squadron and the Blues were ordered by the Brigadier to move across the Zwarteleen-Verbrandenmolen road and support C Troop which was occupying a small ridge south-east of the hamlet. The fighting in this vicinity became very involved owing to the somewhat precipitant retreat of the French and on consequence several casualties were incurred. Part of the ground gained including a part of Zwarteleen was lost.’

  With the daylight beginning to fade, the exhausted cavalrymen had yet again met the German advance head on and for a moment or two the outcome had hung in the balance. Incredibly they managed to stand firm and despite having to abandon some of the hard won ground gained earlier in the afternoon by Dawnay’s men, the line was once again securely in British hands. At 9.30 pm that evening the cavalry began to be relieved by 3 Brigade, which had marched from Bellewaarde Farm, and 22 Brigade who had been brought up from reserve at Dikebusch in motor buses.

  The extent of the cavalry’s casualties would not have been immediately apparent to the men of 7 Cavalry Brigade as they returned to their billets at Mud Farm. Only when the roll calls were completed the next day would the full human cost of the afternoon’s action become evident. And what a cost! There is no doubt that this bold and inspiring charge by the cavalry had saved the day and prevented 4 (Guards) Brigade from being annihilated, but the casualties had been heavy. From a brigade which on 5 November had been unable to muster more than 600 men in total, casualties amounted to six officers killed and a further eleven wounded with sixty-seven other ranks killed, wounded or posted as missing, and this coming less than a week after the fight at Zandvoorde. Amongst 1/Life Guards’ casualties was Regy Wyndham, three of his men had been wounded and he had been killed leading his beloved troop into action. Lloyd and his fellow NCOs considered Regy’s death the saddest loss of the day:

  ‘So well liked was Sinbad amongst the troops that when darkness fell that same night, two drivers from the machine-gun section, Rubber Reeves and Tinker Underwood, got two horses and a half-limber, galloped up to the scene of the counter-attack, and brought back his body for burial in a near-by churchyard. They received no official recognition for this action but Sinbad’s brother, Lord Leconfield, sent them both a token of his gratitude and a letter of thanks.’

  2/Life Guards had borne the brunt of the day and it was during the advance through Zwarteleen that Hugh Dawnay and Arthur O’Neill were killed. Exactly where William Petersen fell will probably never be known but as most of the regiment’s casualties occurred during the final British counter-attack of the day by B Squadron and C Troop, it is highly likely he was shot by German infantry who were firing from the shelter of outlying houses on the eastern edge of the village. Accounts of the action tell us that he was killed leading his troop as they advanced under heavy fire and that shortly before his death he and his men were ‘keeping back a very strong attack of the enemy.’

  Precisely when and where Gordon Wilson was killed is also difficult to pinpoint as there are conflicting accounts of his death. The Official History of the Household Cavalry, written by Sir George Arthur, describes Gordon Wilson with a rifle and bayonet in hand leading his men into the woods with a ‘cheery laugh bubbling up.’ Moments later a bullet ‘pierced his brain, and without word or a moan he sank to the ground.’ This account is very different to that of the Blues’ war diary:

  ‘We drove the enemy back through the wood, the edge of which was held after by the 3rd Cavalry Division. Captain Lord Gerard was wounded but otherwise we had few casualties in the advance. When it got dusk we were ordered to withdraw to the trenches about 80 yards in the rear. In doing this we came under fire from some of the enemy who were in advance of their line and Colonel Wilson and Lt. A de Gunzburg were killed and Captain E P Brassey and Captain Lord Northampton were wounded.’

  An account written by General Kavanagh in a letter to Lady Sarah on 8 November 1914 suggests he was killed during the advance the Blues made in support of C Troop towards the end of the afternoon, rather than later in the evening when the Blues were withdrawing after being relieved:

  ‘The Brigade had successfully carried out the main part of its task and regained a lot of ground, when I ordered it to halt, and urged the French commander to reorganize his troops and reoccupy the trenches they had left. This he said he would do, and sent about 400 of them forward. They had, however, only advanced about 100 yards when they seem to have been seized by a panic, and came hurrying back saying the Germans were making a counter-attack. I called one squadron of the Blues and one of the 2nd Life Guards to meet this attack, but they were practically swept away by the retreating French and it was at this moment that most of the casualties occurred and that your husband was shot. He was shot through the head, and his death must have been instantaneous.’

  Of the three accounts I am more inclined to accept the version in the Blues’ war diary. Kavanagh was correct in describing where on the battlefield Gordon Wilson was killed but his timing was out. Arthur’s account – published in 1926 – was, I suspect, the subject of an overenthusiastic pen and at the very least must be considered to be inaccurate. But whatever
the version of Gordon Wilson death, General Kavanagh’s final words to Lady Sarah are a fitting tribute to a brave and professional soldier:

  ‘He is the greatest loss to the Brigade in general, and his regiment in particular, and his absolute coolness and indifference to danger has been the admiration of us all. I have met a good many brave men, but have never seen one quite apparently so indifferent to danger as he was.’

  There is a similar lack of firm information regarding the death of Alexis de Gunzburg. Contemporary accounts describe him being shot down while running across an open field under fire. The war diary describes his death taking place at the same time as Gordon Wilson’s, which would be in keeping with the view that de Gunzburg, as official interpreter, would be close at hand should his commanding officer require his services. Other sources have de Gunzburg acting as a runner and relaying Gordon Wilson’s orders which would be consistent with him being killed crossing an open field. However, I tend to lean in favour of the war diary; Alexis de Gunzburg was probably killed close to his commanding officer while the Blues were being relieved from their positions.

  Norman Neill’s death, which occurred less than a week after he had returned to duty, was another great loss to the brigade. ‘His death, I think’, wrote Kavanagh, ‘must have been instantaneous and without pain, as I saw him two minutes after he was hit.’ Neill had been sent by Kavanagh to order the Blues into action in support of 2/Life Guards after the French had given way on the second occasion. He was hit while returning to brigade headquarters. The last thing Norman Neill would have seen before he fell was the brigade advancing towards the enemy.