Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79)

by Dionysius of Halicarnassus

  [59.1] The last battle between the Romans and Tyrrhenians was fought near the city of Eretum in the territory of the Sabines. For the Tyrrhenians had been prevailed on by the influential men there to march through that country on their expedition against the Romans, on the assurance that the Sabines would join them in the campaign; for the six-years’ truce, looking to peace, which the Sabines had made with Tarquinius, had already expired, and many of them longed to retrieve their former defeats, now that a sufficient body of youths had grown up in the meantime in their cities. [2] But their attempt did not succeed according to their desire, the Roman army appearing too soon, nor was it possible for aid to be sent publicly to the Tyrrhenians from any of the Sabine cities; but a few went to their assistance of their own accord, attracted by the liberal pay. [3] This battle, the greatest of any that had yet taken place between the two nations, gave a wonderful increase to the power of the Romans, who were gained a most glorious victory, for which both the senate and people decreed a triumph to King Tarquinius. But it broke the spirits of the Tyrrhenians, who, after sending out all the forces from every city to the struggle, received back in safety only a few out of all that great number. For some of them were cut down while fighting in the battle, and others, having in the route found themselves in rough country from which they could not extricate themselves, surrendered to the conquerors. [4] The leading men of their cities, therefore, having met with so great a calamity, acted as became prudent men. For when King Tarquinius led another army against them, they met in a general assembly and voted to treat with him about ending the war; and they sent to him the oldest and most honoured men from each city, giving them full powers to settle the terms of peace.

  [60.1] The king, after he had heard the many arguments they advanced to move him to clemency and moderation and had been reminded of his kinship to their nation, whether they still contended for equal rights and were come to make peace upon certain conditions, or acknowledged themselves to be vanquished and were ready to deliver up their cities to him. Upon their replying that they were not only delivering up their cities to him but should also be satisfied with a peace upon any fair terms they could get, he was greatly pleased at this and said: [2] “Hear now upon what fair terms I will put an end to the war and what favours I am granting you. I am not eager either to put any of the Tyrrhenians to death or to banish any from their country or to punish any with the loss of their possessions. I impose no garrisons or tributes upon any of your cities, but permit each of them to enjoy its own laws and its ancient form of government. [3] But in granting you this I think I ought to obtain one thing from you in return for all that I am giving, and that is the sovereignty over your cities — something that I shall possess even against your will as long as I am more powerful in arms, though I prefer to obtain it with your consent rather than without it. Inform your cities of this, and I promise to grant you an armistice till you return.

  [61.1] The ambassadors, having received this answer, departed, and after a few days returned, not merely with words alone, but bringing the insignia of sovereignty with which they used to decorate their own kings. These were a crown of gold, an ivory throne, a sceptre with an eagle perched on its head, a purple tunic decorated with gold, and an embroidered purple robe like those the kings of Lydia and Persia used to wear, except that it was not rectangular in shape like theirs, but semicircular. This kind of robe is called toga by the Romans and têbenna by the Greeks; but I do not know where the Greeks learned the name, for it does not seem to me to be a Greek word. [2] And according to some historians they also brought to Tarquinius the twelve axes, taking one from each city. For it seems to have been a Tyrrhenian custom for each king of the several cities to be preceded by a lictor bearing an axe together with the bundle of rods, and whenever the twelve cities undertook any joint military expedition, for the twelve axes to be handed over to the one man who was invested with absolute power. [3] However, not all the authorities agree with those who express this opinion, but some maintain that even before the reign of Tarquinius twelve axes were carried before the kings of Rome and that Romulus instituted this custom as soon as he received the sovereignty. But there is nothing to prevent our believing that the Tyrrhenians were the authors of this practice, that Romulus adopted its use from them, and that the twelve axes also were brought to Tarquinius together with the other royal ornaments, just as the Romans even to-day give sceptres and diadems to kings in confirmation of their power; since, even without receiving those ornaments from the Romans, these kings make use of them.

  [62.1] Tarquinius, however, did not avail himself of these honours as soon as he received them, according to most of the Roman historians, but left it to the senate and people to decide whether he should accept them or not; and when they unanimously approved, he then accepted them and from that time till he died always wore a crown of gold and an embroidered purple robe and sat on a throne of ivory holding an ivory sceptre in his hand, and the twelve lictors, bearing the axes and rods, attended him when he sat in judgment and preceded him when he went abroad. [2] All these ornaments were retained by the kings who succeeded him, and, after the expulsion of the kings, by the annual consuls — all except the crown and the embroidered robe; these alone were taken from them, being looked upon as vulgar and invidious. Yet whenever they return victorious from a war and are honoured with a triumph by the senate, they then not only wear gold but are also clad in embroidered purple robes. This, then, was the outcome of the war between Tarquinius and the Tyrrhenians after it had lasted nine years.

  [63.1] Since there now remained as a rival to the Romans for the supremacy only the Sabine race, which not only possessed warlike men but also inhabited a large and fertile country lying not far from Rome, Tarquinius was extremely desirous of subduing these also and declared war against them. He complained that their cities had refused to deliver up those who had promised the Tyrrhenians that if they entered their country with an army they would make their cities friendly to them and hostile to the Romans. [2] The Sabines not only cheerfully accepted the war, being unwilling to be deprived of the most influential of their citizens, but also, before the Roman army could come against them, they themselves invaded the others’ territory. As soon as King Tarquinius heard that the Sabines had crossed the river Anio and that all the country round their camp was being laid waste, he took with him such of the Roman youth as were most lightly equipped, and led them with all possible speed against those of the enemy who were dispersed in foraging. [3] Then, having slain many of them and taken away all the booty which they were driving off, he pitched his camp near theirs; and after remaining quiet there for a few days till not only the remainder of his army from Rome had reached him but the auxiliary forces also from his allies had assembled, he descended into the plain ready to give battle.

  [64.1] When the Sabines saw the Romans eagerly advancing to the combat, they also led out their forces, which were not inferior to the enemy either in numbers or in courage, and engaging, they fought with all possible bravery, so long as they had to contend only with those who were arrayed opposite them. Then, learning that another hostile army was advancing in their rear in orderly battle formation, they deserted their standards and turned to flight. The troops that appeared behind the Sabines were chosen men of the Romans, both horse and foot, whom Tarquinius had placed in ambush in suitable positions during the night. [2] The unexpected appearance of these troops struck such terror into the Sabines that they displayed no further deed of bravery, but, feeling that they had been outmanoeuvred by the enemy and overwhelmed by an irresistible calamity, they endeavoured to save themselves, some in one direction and some in another; and it was in this route that the greatest slaughter occurred among them, while they were being pursued by the Roman horse and surrounded on all sides. Consequently, those of their number who escaped to the nearest cities were very few and the greater part of those who were not slain in the battle fell into the hands of the Romans. Indeed, not even the forces that were left in
the camp had the courage to repulse the assault of the enemy or to hazard an engagement, but, terrified by their unexpected misfortune, surrendered both themselves and their entrenchments without striking a blow. [3] The Sabine cities, feeling that they had been outmanoeuvred and deprived of the victory by their foes, not by valour but by deceit, were preparing to send out again a more numerous army and a more experienced commander. But Tarquinius, being informed of their intention, hastily collected his army, and before the enemy’s forces were all assembled, forestalled them by crossing the river Anio. [4] Upon learning of this the Sabine general marched out with his newly raised army as speedily as possible and encamped near the Romans upon a high and steep hill; however, he judged it inadvisable to engage in battle till he was joined by the rest of the Sabine forces, but by continually sending some of the cavalry against the enemy’s foragers and placing ambuscades in the woods and glades he barred the Romans from the roads leading into his country.

  [65.1] While the Sabine general was conducting the war in this manner many skirmishes took place between small parties both of the light-armed foot and the horse, but no general action between all the forces. The time being thus protracted, Tarquinius was angered at the delay and resolved to lead his army against the enemy’s camp; and he attacked it repeatedly. [2] Then, finding that it could not easily be taken by forcible means, because of its strength, he determined to reduce those within by famine; and by building forts upon all the roads that led to the camp and hindering them from going out to get wood for themselves and forage for their horses and from procuring many other necessities from the country, he reduced them to so great a shortage of everything that they were obliged to take advantage of a stormy night of rain and wind and flee from their camp in a shameful manner, leaving behind them their beasts of burden, their tents, their wounded, and all their warlike stores. [3] The next day the Romans, learning of their departure, took possession of their camp without opposition and after seizing the tents, the beasts of burden, and the personal effects, returned to Rome with the prisoners. This war continued to be waged for five years in succession, and in its course both sides continually plundered one another’s country and engaged in many battles, some of lesser and some of greater importance, the advantage occasionally resting with the Sabines but usually with the Romans; in the last battle, however, the war came to a definite end. [4] The Sabines, it seems, did not as before go forth to war in successive bands, but all who were any other an age to bear arms went out together; and all the Romans, with the forces of the Latins, the Tyrrhenians and the rest of their allies, were advancing to meet the enemy. [5] The Sabine general, dividing his forces, formed two camps, while the Roman king made three divisions of his troops and pitched three camps not far apart. He commanded the Roman contingent himself and made his nephew Arruns leader of the Tyrrhenian auxiliaries, [6] while over the Latins and the other allies he placed a man who was valiant in warfare and of most competent judgment, but a foreigner without a country. This man’s first name was Servius and his family name Tullius; it was he whom the Romans, after the death of Lucius Tarquinius without male issue, permitted to rule the state, since they admired him for his abilities in both peace and war. But I shall give an account of this man’s birth, education and fortunes and of the divine manifestation made with regard to him when I come to that part of my narrative.

  [66.1] On this occasion, then, when both armies had made the necessary preparations for the struggle, they engaged; the Romans were posted on the left wing, the Tyrrhenians on the right, and the Latins in the centre of the line. After a hard battle that lasted the whole day the Romans were far superior; and having slain many of the enemy, who had acquitted themselves as brave men, and having taken many more of them prisoners in the rout, they possessed themselves of both Sabine camps, where they seized a rich store of booty. And now being masters of all the open country without fear of opposition, they laid it waste with fire and sword and every kind of injury; but as the summer drew to an end, they broke camp and returned home. And King Tarquinius in honour of this victory triumphed for the third time during his own reign. [2] The following year, when he was preparing to lead his army once more against the cities of the Sabines and had determined to reduce them by siege, there was not one of those cities that any longer took any brave or vigorous resolution, but all unanimously determined, before incurring the risk of slavery for themselves and the razing of their cities, to put an end to the war. [3] And the most important men among the Sabines came from every city to King Tarquinius, who had already taken the field with all his forces, to deliver up their walled cities to him and to beg him to make reasonable terms. Tarquinius gladly accepted this submission of the nation, unattended as it was by any hazards, and made a treaty of peace and friendship with them upon the same conditions upon which he had earlier received the submission of the Tyrrhenians; and he restored their captives to them without ransom.

  [67.1] These are the military achievements of Tarquinius which are recorded; those that relate to peace and to the civil administration (for these too I do not wish to pass over without mention) are as follows: As soon as he had assumed the sovereignty, being anxious to gain the affections of the common people, after the example of his predecessors, he won them over by such services as these: He chose a hundred persons out of the whole body of the plebeians who were acknowledged by all to be possessed of some warlike prowess or political sagacity, and having made them patricians, he enrolled them among the senators; and then for the first time the Romans had three hundred senators, instead of two hundred, as previously. [2] Next, he added to the four holy virgins who had the custody of the perpetual fire two others; for the sacrifices performed on behalf of the state at which these priestesses of Vesta were required to be present being now increased, the four were not thought sufficient. The example of Tarquinius was followed by the rest of the kings and to this day six priestesses of Vesta are appointed. [3] He seems also to have first devised the punishments which are inflicted by the pontiffs on those Vestals who do not preserve their chastity, being moved to do so either by his own judgment or, as some believe, in obedience to a dream; and these punishments, according to the interpreters of religious rites, were found after his death among the Sibylline oracles. For in his reign a priestess named Pinaria, the daughter of Publius, was discovered to be approaching the sacrifices in a state of unchastity. The manner of punishing the Vestals who have been debauched has been described by me in the preceding Book. [4] Tarquinius also adorned the Forum, where justice is administered, the assemblies of the people held, and other civil matters transacted, by surrounding it with shops and porticos. And he was the first to build the walls of the city, which previously had been of temporary and careless construction, with huge stones regularly squared. [5] He also began the digging of the sewers, through which all the water that collects from the streets is conveyed into the Tiber — a wonderful work exceeding all description. Indeed, in my opinion the three most magnificent works of Rome, in which the greatness of her empire is best seen, are the aqueducts, the paved roads and the construction of the sewers. I say this with respect not only to the usefulness of the work (concerning which I shall speak in the proper place), but also to the magnitude of the cost, of which one may judge by a single circumstance, if one takes as his authority Gaius Acilius, who says that once, when the sewers had been neglected and were no longer passable for the water, the censors let out the cleaning and repairing of them at a thousand talents.

  [68.1] Tarquinius also built the Circus Maximus, which lies between the Aventine and Palatine Hills, and was the first to erect covered seats round it on scaffolding (for till then the spectators had stood), the wooden stands being supported by beams. And dividing the places among the thirty curiae, he assigned to each curia a particular section, so that every spectator was seated in his proper place. [2] This work also was destined to become in time one of the most beautiful and most admirable structures in Rome. For the Circus is three stades
and a half in length and four plethra in breadth. Round about it on the two longer sides and one of the shorter sides a canal has been dug, ten feet in depth and width, to receive water. Behind the canal are erected porticos three stories high, of which the lowest story has stone seats, gradually rising, as in the theatres, one above the other, and the two upper stories wooden seats. [3] The two longer porticos are united into one and joined together by means of the shorter one, which is crescent-shaped, so that all three form a single portico like an amphitheatre, eight stades in circuit and capable of holding 150,000 persons. The other of the shorter sides is left uncovered and contains vaulted starting-places for the horses, which are all opened by means of a single rope. [4] On the outside of the Circus there is another portico of one story which has shops in it and habitations over them. In this portico there are entrances and ascents for the spectators at every shop, so that the countless thousands of people may enter and depart without inconvenience.