[5] δεδήλωκα λόγῳ. μετὰ δὲ τὴν εὐχὴν ταύτην θάρσος [p. 341] τι καταλαμβάνει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ ὥσπερ ἀκμῆτες εἰς κάμνοντας ὠσάμενοι διασπῶσι τὰς τάξεις αὐτῶν περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν ἤδη καὶ ἀναγκάζουσι τοὺς πρωτοστάτας ἄρξαι φυγῆς, ἀκολουθήσαντές τε αὐτοῖς φεύγουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα καὶ περὶ τὰς τάφρους πολλῷ πλείονας καταβαλόντες, οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἀπετράποντο, ἀλλὰ παραμείναντες τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος μαχομένους ἀνείρξαντες ἐκράτησαν τῆς παρεμβολῆς.
[5] After this vow the Romans were filled with a kind of confidence and, like fresh troops falling on those that are exhausted, they at last broke the enemy’s line in the late afternoon and forced the first ranks to begin flight. Then, pursuing them as they fled to their camp, they cut down many more round the trenches, and even then did not turn back, but having stayed there the following night and cleared the ramparts of their defenders, they made themselves masters of the camp.
[6] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον: ὅσην ἐβούλοντο τῆς τῶν Σαβίνων λεηλατήσαντες, ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς οὐκέτι περὶ τῆς χώρας ἐξῄει μαχησόμενος, ἀπῄεσαν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου. ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς μάχης τὸν τρίτον κατήγαγε θρίαμβον ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ πρεσβευσαμένοις τοῖς Σαβίνοις καταλύεται τὸν πόλεμον αἰχμαλώτους τε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν κομισάμενος, οὓς ἐτύγχανον εἰληφότες ἐν ταῖς προνομαῖς, καὶ αὐτομόλους βοσκημάτων τε καὶ ὑποζυγίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων ὅσα τοὺς γεωργοὺς ἀφείλοντο, ἣν ἔταξεν ἡ βουλὴ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ζημίαν τιμησαμένη τὰς βλάβας πρὸς ἀργύριον, ἀναπράξας.
[6] After this action they ravaged as much of the territory of the Sabines as they wished, but when no one any longer came out against them to protect the country, they returned home. Because of this victory the king triumphed a third time; and not long afterwards, when the Sabines sent ambassadors, he put an end to the war, having first received from them the captives that they had taken in their foraging expeditions, together with the deserters, and levied the penalty which the Roman senate, estimating the damage at a certain sum of money, had imposed upon them for the cattle, the beasts of burden and the other effects that they had taken from the husbandmen.
[1] ἐπὶ τούτοις καταλυσάμενοι τὸν πόλεμον οἱ Σαβῖνοι καὶ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν στήλας ἀντιγράφους θέντες ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς, ἐπειδὴ συνέστη Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς τὰς Λατίνων πόλεις κοινῇ συνηρπαγμένας πόλεμος οὐ ῥᾴδιος ἐν ὀλίγῳ καθαιρεθῆναι χρόνῳ ῾δἰ ἃς [p. 342] δὲ αἰτίας ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἐρὦ, δεξάμενοι τὸ συμβὰν ἀγαπητῶς ὅρκων μὲν ἐκείνων καὶ συνθηκῶν ὥσπερ οὐδὲ γεγενημένων ἐπελάθοντο, καιρὸν δὲ νομίσαντες ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν ὧν ἐξέτισαν Ῥωμαίοις χρημάτων πολλαπλάσια παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπολαβεῖν, ὀλίγοι μὲν τὸ πρῶτον καὶ ἀφανῶς ἐξιόντες ἐληίζοντο τὴν ὅμορον:
[33.1] Although the Sabines had ended the war upon these conditions and had set up pillars in their temples on which the terms of the treaty were inscribed, nevertheless, as soon as the Romans were engaged in a war not likely to be soon terminated against the cities of the Latins, who had all united against them, for reasons which I shall presently mention, they welcomed the situation and forgot those oaths and the treaty as much as if they never had been made. And thinking that they now had a favourable opportunity to recover from the Romans many times as much money as they had paid them, they went out, at first in small numbers and secretly, and plundered the neighbouring country;
[2] ἔπειτα δὲ πολλοὶ συνιόντες καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, ἐπεὶ τὰ πρῶτα κατὰ γνώμην αὐτοῖς ἐχώρησεν οὐδεμιᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν γεωργῶν ἀφικομένης βοηθείας, καταφρονήσαντες τῶν πολεμίων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν διενοοῦντο τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλαύνειν καὶ συνῆγον ἐξ ἁπάσης πόλεως στρατόν, διελέγοντο δὲ καὶ ταῖς Λατίνων πόλεσι περὶ
[2] but afterwards many met together and in an open manner, and since their first attempt had turned out as they wished and no assistance had come to the defence of the husbandmen, they despised their enemies and proposed to march even on Rome itself, for which purpose they were gathering an army out of every city. They also made overtures to the cities of the Latins with regard to an alliance,
[3] συμμαχίας. οὐ μὴν ἐξεγένετό γε αὐτοῖς φιλίαν τε καὶ ὁμαιχμίαν ποιήσασθαι πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος: μαθὼν γὰρ τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν ὁ Τύλλος ἀνοχὰς πρὸς Λατίνους ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ τούτους ἔγνω στρατὸν ἐξάγειν τήν τε Ῥωμαίων ἅπασαν δύναμιν καθοπλίσας διπλασίαν οὖσαν ἤδη τῆς πρότερον, ἐξ οὗ τὴν Ἀλβανῶν πόλιν προσέλαβε, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἐπικουρικὸν ὅσον πλεῖστον ἐδύνατο μεταπεμψάμενος.
[3] but were not able to conclude a treaty of friendship and alliance with that nation. For Tullus, being informed of their intention, made a truce with the Latins and determined to march against the Sabines; and to this end he armed all the forces of the Romans, which since he had annexed the Alban state, were double the number they had been before, and sent to his other allies for all the troops they could furnish.
[4] συνῆκτο δὲ καὶ τοῖς Σαβίνοις ἤδη τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ πλησίον ἀλλήλων ἐγένοντο περὶ τὴν καλουμένην ὕλην κακοῦργον ὀλίγον τὸ μεταξὺ χωρίον ἀφέντες κατεστρατοπεδεύσαντο. τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ συμπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο καὶ ἦσαν ἰσόρροποι μέχρι πολλοῦ: ἤδη δὲ περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν ἐγκλίνουσιν οἱ Σαβῖνοι [p. 343] βιασθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἱππικοῦ καὶ πολὺς αὐτῶν γίνεται φόνος ἐν τῇ φυγῇ, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ νεκρούς τε τῶν πολεμίων σκυλεύσαντες καὶ χρήματα ὅσα ἦν ἐν τῷ χάρακι διαρπάσαντες τῆς τε χώρας τὴν κρατίστην λεηλατήσαντες ἀπῄεσαν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου. τοῦτο τὸ τέλος ἔλαβεν ὁ συμβὰς Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς Σαβίνους πόλεμος ἐπὶ τῆς Τύλλου ἀρχῆς.
[4] The Sabines, too, had already assembled their army, and when the two forces drew near one another they encamped near a place called the Knaves’ Wood, leaving a small interval between them. The next day they engaged and the fight continued doubtful for a long time; but at length, in the late afternoon, the Sabines gave way, unable to stand before the Roman horse, and many of them were slain in the flight. The Romans stripped the spoils from the dead, plundered their camp and ravaged the best part of the country, after which they returned home. This was
the outcome of the war that occurred between the Romans and the Sabines in the reign of Tullus.
[1] αἱ δὲ τῶν Λατίνων πόλεις Ῥωμαίοις ἐγένοντο διάφοροι τότε πρῶτον, οὐκ ἀξιοῦσαι κατεσκαμμένης τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως τοῖς ἀνῃρηκόσιν αὐτὴν Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παραδιδόναι. ἐτῶν γὰρ διαγενομένων πεντεκαίδεκα μετὰ τὸν ἀφανισμὸν τῆς Ἄλβας πρεσβείας ἀποστείλας ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς εἰς τὰς ἀποίκους τε καὶ ὑπηκόους αὐτῆς τριάκοντα πόλεις ἠξίου πείθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπιταττομένοις, ὡς παρειληφότων αὐτῶν ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις οἷ εἶχον Ἀλβανοὶ καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ Λατίνων ἔθνους, δύο μὲν ἀποφαίνων τρόπους κτήσεων, καθ᾽ οὓς ἄνθρωποι γίνονται τῶν ἀλλοτρίων κύριοι, τόν τε ἀναγκαῖον καὶ τὸν ἑκούσιον, Ῥωμαίους δὲ λέγων καθ᾽ ἑκάτερον τὸν τρόπον παρειληφέναι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὧν εἶχον Ἀλβανοὶ πόλεων.
[34.1] The cities of the Latins now became at odds with the Romans for the first time, being unwilling after the razing of the Albans’ city to yield the leadership to the Romans who had destroyed it. It seems that when fifteen years had passed after the destruction of Alba the Roman king, sending embassies to the thirty cities which had been at once colonies and subjects of Alba, summoned them to obey the orders of the Romans, inasmuch as the Romans had succeeded to the Alban’s supremacy over the Latin race as well as to everything else that the Albans had possessed. He pointed out that there were two methods of acquisition by which men became masters of what had belonged to others, one the result of compulsion, the other of choice, and that the Romans had by both these methods acquired the supremacy over the cities which the Albans had held.
[2] πολεμίων τε γὰρ αὐτῶν σφισι γενομένων τοῖς ὅπλοις κεκρατηκέναι καὶ τὴν πόλιν τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀπολωλεκόσι τῆς ἰδίας αὐτοῖς μεταδεδωκέναι: ὥστε καὶ ἄκουσιν Ἀλβανοῖς καὶ ἑκοῦσι προσήκειν ἐξεστάναι Ῥωμαίοις τῆς τῶν ὑπηκόων ἀρχῆς.
[2] For when the Albans had become enemies of the Romans, the latter had conquered them by arms, and after the others had lost their own city the Romans had given them a share in theirs, so that it was but reasonable that the Albans both perforce and voluntarily should yield to the Romans the sovereignty they had exercised over their subjects.
[3] αἱ δὲ τῶν Λατίνων πόλεις ἰδίᾳ μὲν [p. 344] οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίναντο πρὸς τοὺς πρέσβεις, κοινῇ δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους ἀγορὰν ἐν Φερεντίνῳ ποιησάμενοι ψηφίζονται μὴ παραχωρεῖν Ῥωμαίοις τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ αὐτίκα αἱροῦνται δύο στρατηγοὺς αὐτοκράτορας εἰρήνης τε καὶ πολέμου, Ἄγκον Πουπλίκιον ἐκ πόλεως Κόρας καὶ Σπούσιον Οὐεκίλιον ἐκ Λαουϊνίου.
[3] The Latin cities gave no answer separately to the ambassadors, but in a general assembly of the whole nation held at Ferentinum they passed a vote not to yield the sovereignty to the Romans, and immediately chose two generals, Ancus Publicius of the city of Cora and Spusius Vecilius of Lavinium, and invested them with absolute power with regard to both peace and war.
[4] διὰ ταύτας μὲν δὴ τὰς αἰτίας συνέστη Ῥωμαίοις ὁ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς πόλεμος, προὔβη δὲ ἄχρι πενταετοῦς χρόνου πολιτικός τις γενόμενος καὶ ἀρχαϊκός. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκ παρατάξεως ὅλοις τοῖς στρατεύμασι πρὸς ὅλα συμβάλλουσι μεγάλη συμφορὰ καὶ φθόρος ὁλοσχερὴς συνέβη οὔτε πόλις αὐτῶν οὐδεμία πολέμῳ κρατηθεῖσα κατασκαφῆς ἢ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ ἢ ἄλλης τινὸς ἀνηκέστου συμφορᾶς ἐπειράθη: ἀλλ᾽ ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὴν ἀλλήλων γῆν ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ σίτου καὶ προνομεύσαντες ἀπῆγον ἐπ᾽ οἴκου τὰς δυνάμεις διαμειβόμενοι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους.
[4] These were the causes of the war between the Romans and their kinsmen, a war that lasted for five years and was carried on more or less like a civil war and after the ancient fashion. For, as they never engaged in pitched battles with all their forces ranged against all those of the foe, no great disaster occurred nor any wholesale slaughter, and none of their cities went through the experience of being razed or enslaved or suffer any other irreparable calamity as the result of being captured in war; but making incursions into one another’s country when the corn was ripe, they foraged it, and them returning home with their armies, exchanged prisoners.
[5] μίαν δὲ πόλιν ἐκ τοῦ Λατίνων ἔθνους Μεδυλλίαν παλαίτερον ἔτι Ῥωμαίων ἀποικίαν γενομένην ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥωμύλου ἀρχῆς, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου δεδήλωκα λόγῳ, μεταθεμένην αὖθις ὡς τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς πολιορκίᾳ παραστησάμενος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔπεισε μηθὲν ἔτι νεωτερίζειν: ἄλλο δ᾽ οὐθὲν ὧν οἱ πόλεμοι φέρουσι δεινῶν οὐδετέροις ἐν τῷ τότε συνέβη χρόνῳ. τοιγάρτοι ῥᾴδιαί τε καὶ οὐδὲν ἔγκοτον ἔχουσαι προθυμηθέντων Ῥωμαίων αἱ διαλύσεις ἐπετελέσθησαν. [p. 345]
[5] However, one city of the Latin nation called Medullia, which earlier had become a colony of the Romans in the reign of Romulus, as I stated in the preceding Book, and had revolted again to their countrymen, was brought to terms after a siege by the Roman king and persuaded not to revolt for the future; but no other of the calamities which wars bring in their train was felt by either side at that time. Accordingly, as the Romans were eager for peace, a treaty was readily concluded that left no rancour.
[1] ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς βασιλεὺς Τύλλος Ὁστίλιος, ἀνὴρ ἐν ὀλίγοις ἄξιος εὐλογεῖσθαι τῆς τε εὐτολμίας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῆς φρονήσεως τῆς περὶ τὰ δεινά, ὑπὲρ ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα, ὅτι οὐ ταχὺς ὢν εἰς πόλεμον ἰέναι βέβαιος ἦν καταστὰς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐν ἅπασι τῶν ἀντιπάλων προέχειν, ἔτη δὲ κατασχὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν δύο καὶ τριάκοντα τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ἐμπρησθείσης τῆς οἰκίας, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ γυνή τε ἀπόλλυται καὶ τέκνα καὶ ὁ ἄλλος οἰκετικὸς ἅπας ὄχλος καταληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρός.
[35.1] These were the achievements performed during his reign by King Tullus Hostilius, a man worthy of exceptional praise for his boldness in war and his prudence in the face of danger, but, above both these qualifications, because, though he was not precipitate in entering upon a war, when he was once engaged in it he steadily pursued it until he had the upper hand in every way over his adversaries. After he had reigned thirty-two years he lost his life when his house caught fire, and with him his wife and children and all his household perished in the flames.
[2] καταπρησθῆναι δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν οἱ
μὲν ὑπὸ κεραυνοῦ λέγουσι μηνίσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾽ ὀλιγωρίαν ἱερῶν τινων ῾ἐκλιπεῖν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐκείνου πατρίους τινὰς θυσίας, ἑτέρας δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπαρχούσας ἐπιχωρίους Ῥωμαίοις παραγαγεῖν᾽, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἐξ ἀνθρωπίνης φασὶν ἐπιβουλῆς τὸ πάθος γενέσθαι ἀνατιθέντες τὸ ἔργον Μαρκίῳ τῷ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἄρξαντι τῆς πόλεως.
[2] Some say that his house was set on fire by a thunderbolt, Heaven having become angered at his neglect of some sacred rites (for they say that in his reign some ancestral sacrifices were omitted and that he introduced others that were foreign to the Romans), but the majority state that the disaster was due to human treachery and ascribe it to Marcius, who ruled the state after him.
[3] τοῦτον γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Νόμα Πομπιλίου θυγατρὸς γενόμενον ἄχθεσθαί τε, ὅτι ἐκ βασιλείου γένους πεφυκὼς αὐτὸς ἰδιώτης ἦν, καὶ γένος ἐπιτρεφόμενον ὁρῶντα τῷ Τύλλῳ παντὸς μάλιστα ὑποπτεύειν, εἴ τι πάθοι Τύλλος εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνου παῖδας ἥξειν τὴν ἀρχήν. ταῦτα δὴ διανοούμενον ἐκ πολλοῦ στήσασθαι κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιβουλὴν πολλοὺς ἔχοντα Ῥωμαίων τοὺς συγκατασκευάζοντας αὐτῷ τὴν δυναστείαν, φίλον [p. 346] δὲ ὄντα τοῦ Τύλλου καὶ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα πιστευόμενον φυλάττειν ὅτε καιρὸς ἐπιτήδειος φανείη τῆς ἐπιθέσεως.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 485