[3] For they say that this man, who was the son of Numa Pompilius’ daughter, was indignant at being in a private station himself, though of royal descent, and seeing that Tullus had children growing up, he suspected very strongly that upon the death of Tullus the kingdom would fall to them. With these thoughts in mind, they say, he had long since formed a plot against the king, and had many of the Romans aiding him to gain the sovereignty; and being a friend of Tullus and one of his closest confidants, he was watching for a suitable opportunity to appear for making his attack.
[4] μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Τύλλου θυσίαν τινὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἐπιτελεῖν, ἣν αὐτοὺς μόνον ἐβούλετο τοὺς ἀναγκαίους εἰδέναι, καὶ κατὰ δαίμονα τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης χειμερίου σφόδρα γενομένης κατά τε ὄμβρον καὶ ζάλην καὶ σκότος, ὥστ᾽ ἔρημον ἀπολειφθῆναι τὸν πρὸ τῆς οἰκίας τόπον τῶν φυλαττόντων, ἐπιτήδειον ὑπολαμβάνοντα τὸν καιρὸν ἅμα τοῖς ἑταίροις ἔχουσιν ὑπὸ ταῖς περιβολαῖς τὰ ξίφη παρελθεῖν εἴσω τῶν θυρῶν, ἀποκτείναντα δὲ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσοις ἐνέτυχεν ἐνεῖναι πῦρ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν κατὰ πολλοὺς τόπους, ταῦτα δὲ πράξαντα τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεραυνώσεως διασπεῖραι λόγον.
[4] Accordingly, when Tullus proposed to perform a certain sacrifice at home which he wished only his near relations to know about and that day chanced to be very stormy, with rain and sleet and darkness, so that those who were upon guard before the house had left their station, Marcius, looking upon this as a favourable opportunity, entered the house together with his friends, who had swords under their garments, and having killed the king and his children and all the rest whom he encountered, he set fire to the house in several places, and after doing this spread the report that the fire had been due to a thunderbolt.
[5] ἐγὼ δὲ τοῦτον μὲν οὐ δέχομαι τὸν λόγον οὔτ᾽ ἀληθῆ νομίζων οὔτε πιθανόν, τῷ δὲ προτέρῳ μᾶλλον προστιθέμενος κατὰ δαίμονα νομίζω τὸν ἄνδρα ταύτης τῆς τελευτῆς τυχεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπόρρητον φυλαχθῆναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπὸ πολλῶν συσκευαζομένην. εἰκὸς ἦν, οὔτε τῷ συστήσαντι αὐτὴν βέβαιον ἦν ὅτι μετὰ τὴν Ὁστιλίου τελευτὴν ἐκεῖνον ἀποδείξουσι Ῥωμαῖοι βασιλέα τῆς πόλεως, οὔτ᾽ εἰ τὰ παρ᾽ ἀνθρώπων αὐτῷ πιστὰ καὶ βέβαια ἦν, τά γέ τοι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ὅμοια ἔμελλε ταῖς ἀνθρωπίναις ἀγνοίαις ἔσεσθαι.
[5] But for my part I do not accept this story, regarding it as neither true nor plausible, but I subscribe rather to the former account, believing that Tullus met with this end by the judgment of Heaven. For, in the first place, it is improbable that the undertaking in which so many were concerned could have been kept secret, and, besides, the author of it could not be certain that after the death of Hostilius the Romans would choose him as king of the state; furthermore, even if men were loyal to him and steadfast, yet it was unlikely that the gods would act with an ignorance resembling that of men.
[6] μετὰ γὰρ τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν φυλῶν γενησομένην [p. 347] ψηφηφορίαν τοὺς θεοὺς ἔδει τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῷ δι᾽ οἰωνῶν αἰσίων ἐπιθεσπίσαι: ἄνδρα δὲ μιαρὸν καὶ τοσούτοις ᾑμαγμένον φόνοις ἀδίκοις τίς ἔμελλε θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων παρήσειν βωμοῖς τε προσιόντα καὶ θυμάτων καταρχόμενον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπιτελοῦντα θεραπείας; ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ διὰ ταῦτα οὐκ εἰς ἀνθρωπίνην ἐπιβουλὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰς θεοῦ βούλησιν τὸ ἔργον ἀναφέρω, κρινέτω δ᾽ ἕκαστος ὡς βούλεται.
[6] For after the tribes had given their votes, it would be necessary that the gods, by auspicious omens, should sanction the awarding of the kingdom to him; and which of the gods or other divinities was going to permit a man who was impure and stained with the unjust murder of so many persons to approach the altars, begin the sacrifices, and perform the other religious ceremonies? I, then, for these reasons do not attribute the catastrophe to the treachery of men, but to the will of Heaven; however, let everyone judge as he pleases.
[1] μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ὁστιλίου Τύλλου τελευτὴν ἡ μεσοβασίλειος ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀποδειχθεῖσα ἀρχὴ κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους ἐθισμοὺς αἱρεῖται βασιλέα τῆς πόλεως Μάρκιον ἐπίκλησιν Ἄγκον: ἐπικυρώσαντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὰ δόξαντα τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ καλῶν γενομένων συντελέσας τὰ κατὰ νόμον ἅπαντα παραλαμβάνει τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Μάρκιος ἐνιαυτῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς τριακοστῆς καὶ πέμπτης ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Σφαῖρος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος, καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον Ἀθήνησι τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἀρχὴν εἶχε Δαμασίας.
[36.1] After the death of Tullus Hostilius, the interreges appointed by the senate according to ancestral usage chose Marcius, surnamed Ancus, king of the state; and when the people had confirmed the decision of the senate and the signs from Heaven were favourable, Marcius, after fulfilling all the customary requirements, entered upon the government in the second year of the thirty-fifth Olympiad (the one in which Sphaerus, a Lacedaemonian, gained the prize), at the time when Damasias held the annual archonship at Athens.
[2] οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς πολλὰς τῶν ἱερουργιῶν ἀμελουμένας καταμαθών, ἃς ὁ μητροπάτωρ αὐτοῦ Πομπίλιος Νόμας κατεστήσατο, πολεμιστάς τε καὶ πλεονέκτας τοὺς πλείστους Ῥωμαίων γεγονότας ὁρῶν καὶ οὐκέτι τὴν γῆν ὡς πρότερον ἐργαζομένους, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὸ πλῆθος τά τε θεῖα σέβειν αὐτοὺς ἠξίου πάλιν, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ Νόμα διετέλουν σέβοντες, διεξιὼν ὅτι παρὰ τὴν τῶν θεῶν ὀλιγωρίαν νόσοι τε λοιμικαὶ πολλαὶ κατέσκηψαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐφθάρη μοῖρα τοῦ [p. 348] πλήθους οὐκ ὀλίγη, καὶ βασιλεὺς Ὁστίλιος ὁ μὴ ποιούμενος αὐτῶν ὴν ἔδει φυλακὴν κάμνων ἐπὶ πολλοὺς χρόνους τὸ σῶμα πάθεσι παντοδαποῖς καὶ οὐδὲ τῆς γνώμης ἔτι τῆς αὑτοῦ καρτερὸς διαμένων, ἀλλὰ συνδιαφθαρεὶς τῷ σώματι τὰς φρένας, οἰκτρᾶς καταστροφῆς ἔτυχεν αὐτός τε καὶ γένος τὸ ἐξ αὐτοῦ:
[2] This king, finding that many of the religious ceremonies instituted by Numa Pompilius, his maternal grandfather, were being neglected, and seeing the greatest part of the Romans devoted to the pursuit of war and gain and no longer cultivating the land as aforetime, assembled the people and exhorted them to worship the gods once more as they had done in Numa’s reign. He pointed out to them that it was owing to their neglect of the gods that not only many pestilences had fallen upon the city, by which no small part of the population had been destroyed, but also that King Hostilius, who had
not shown the proper regard for the gods, had suffered for a long time from a complication of bodily ailments and at last, no longer sound even in his understanding but weakened in mind as well as in body, had come to a pitiable end, both he and his family.
[3] πολιτείας τε ἀγωγὴν τὴν ὑπὸ Νόμα κατασταθεῖσαν Ῥωμαίοις ἐπαινῶν ὡς καλὴν καὶ σώφρονα καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν δικαιοτάτων ἔργων τὰς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἑκάστῳ παρέχουσαν εὐπορίας, ἀνανεώσασθαι πάλιν αὐτὴν παρεκάλει γεωργίαις τε καὶ κτηνοτροφίαις καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐργασίαις, ὅσαις μηθὲν ἀδίκημα προσῆν, ἁρπαγῆς δὲ καὶ βίας καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου γινομένων ὠφελειῶν ὑπεριδεῖν.
[3] He then commended the system of government established by Numa for the Romans as excellent and wise and one which supplied every citizen with daily plenty from the most lawful employments; and he advised them to restore this system once more by applying themselves to agriculture and cattle-breeding and to those occupations that were free from all injustice, and to scorn rapine and violence and the profits accruing from war.
[4] ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τούτοις ὅμοια διαλεγόμενος καὶ εἰς πολλὴν ἐπιθυμίαν καθιστὰς ἅπαντας ἡσυχίας ἀπολέμου καὶ φιλεργίας σώφρονος καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο συγκαλέσας τοὺς ἱεροφάντας καὶ τὰς περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν συγγραφάς, ἃς Πομπίλιος συνεστήσατο, παρ᾽ αὐτῶν λαβὼν ἀνέγραψεν εἰς δέλτους καὶ προὔθηκεν ἐν ἀγορᾷ πᾶσι τοῖς βουλομένοις σκοπεῖν, ἃς ἀφανισθῆναι συνέβη τῷ χρόνῳ: χαλκαῖ γὰρ οὔπω στῆλαι τότε ἦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν δρυΐναις ἐχαράττοντο σανίσιν οἵ τε νόμοι καὶ αἱ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν διαγραφαί: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τῶν βασιλέων εἰς ἀναγραφὴν δημοσίαν αὖθις ἤχθησαν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἱεροφάντου Γαίου Παπιρίου, τὴν ἁπάντων [p. 349] τῶν ἱερέων ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντος. ἀνακτησάμενος δὲ τὰ κατερρᾳθυμημένα τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸν ἀργὸν ὄχλον ἐπὶ τὰς ἰδίας ἐργασίας ἀποστείλας ἐπῄνει μὲν τοὺς ἐπιμελεῖς γεωργούς, ἐμέμφετο δὲ τοὺς κακῶς προισταμένους τῶν ἰδίων κτημάτων, ὡς οὐ βεβαίους πολίτας.
[4] By these and similar appeals he inspired in all a great desire both for peaceful tranquillity and for sober industry. After this, he called together the pontiffs, and receiving from them the commentaries on religious rites which Pompilius had composed, he caused them to be transcribed on tablets and exposed in the Forum for everyone to examine. These have since been destroyed by time, for, brazen pillars being not yet in use at that time, the laws and the ordinances concerning religious rites were engraved on oaken boards; but after the expulsion of the kings they were again copied off for the use of the public by Gaius Papirius, a pontiff, who had the superintendence of all religious matters. After Marcius had re-established the religious rites which had fallen into abeyance and turned the idle people to their proper employments, he commended the careful husbandmen and reprimanded those who managed their lands ill as citizens not to be depended on.
[1] ταῦτα καθιστάμενος τὰ πολιτεύματα καὶ διὰ παντὸς μάλιστα ἐλπίσας ἄνευ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἅπαντα τὸν βίον διατελέσειν, ὥσπερ ὁ μητροπάτωρ, οὐκ ἔσχεν ὁμοίαν τῇ προαιρέσει τὴν τύχην, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην πολεμιστὴς ἠναγκάσθη γενέσθαι καὶ μηδένα χρόνον ἄνευ κινδύνου καὶ ταραχῆς βιῶσαι.
[37.1] While instituting these administrative measures he hoped above all else to pass his whole life free from war and troubles, like his grandfather, but he found his purpose crossed by fortune and, contrary to his inclinations, was forced to become a warrior and to live no part of his life free from danger and turbulence.
[2] εὐθὺς γὰρ ἅμα τῷ παρελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπράγμονα καθίστασθαι πολιτείαν καταφρονήσαντες αὐτοῦ Λατῖνοι καὶ νομίσαντες δι᾽ ἀνανδρίαν οὐχ ἱκανὸν εἶναι πολέμους στρατηγεῖν, λῃστήρια διέπεμπον εἰς τὴν ὁμοροῦσαν αὐτοῖς ἕκαστοι χώραν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐβλάπτοντο.
[2] For at the very time that he entered upon the government and was establishing his tranquil régime the Latins, despising him and looking upon him as incapable of conducting wars through want of courage, sent bands of robbers from each of their cities into the parts of the Roman territory that lay next to them, in consequence of which many of the Romans were suffering injury.
[3] ἀφικομένων δὲ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πρεσβευτῶν καὶ τὰ δίκαια Ῥωμαίοις ἀξιούντων ὑπέχειν κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας, οὔτε γινώσκειν ἐσκήπτοντο τῶν περὶ τὰ λῃστήρια κατηγορουμένων οὐδὲν ὡς οὐ μετὰ κοινῆς γνώμης γεγονότων οὔτε ὑπόδικοι γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις περὶ οὐθενὸς πράγματος: οὐδὲ γὰρ πρὸς ἐκείνους ποιήσασθαι τὰς συνθήκας, ἀλλὰ πρὸς Τύλλον, τελευτήσαντος [p. 350] δὲ τοῦ Τύλλου λελύσθαι σφίσι τὰς περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὁμολογίας.
[3] And when ambassadors came from the king and summoned them to make satisfaction to the Romans according to the treaty, they alleged that they neither had any knowledge of the robberies complained of, asserting that these had been committed without the general consent of the nation, nor had become accountable to the Romans for anything they did. For they had not made the treaty with them, they say, but with Tullus, and by the death of Tullus their treaty of peace had been terminated.
[4] ἀναγκασθεὶς δὴ διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας καὶ ἀποκρίσεις τῶν Λατίνων ὁ Μάρκιος ἐξάγει στρατιὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ προσκαθεζόμενος τῇ πόλει αὐτῶν Πολιτωρίῳ, πρὶν ἐπικουρίαν τινὰ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀφικέσθαι Λατίνων, παραλαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν καθ᾽ ὁμολογίας: οὐ μέντοι διέθηκε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους δεινὸν οὐθέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχοντας τὰ σφέτερα πανδημεὶ μετήγαγεν εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ κατένειμεν εἰς φυλάς.
[4] Marcius, therefore, compelled by these reasons and the answers of the Latins, led out an army against them, and laying siege to the city of Politorium, he took it by capitulation before any aid reached the besieged from the other Latins. However, he did not treat the inhabitants with any severity, but, allowing them to retain their possessions, transferred the whole population to Rome and distributed them among the tribes.
[1] τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐνιαυτῷ Λατίνων εἰς ἔρημον τὸ Πολιτώριον ἐποίκους ἀποστειλάντων καὶ τὴν τῶν Πολιτωρίνων χώραν ἐπεργαζομένων ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ὁ Μάρκιος ἦγεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς. προελθόντων δὲ τοῦ τείχους τῶν Λατίνων κα�
�� παραταξαμένων νικήσας αὐτοὺς παραλαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν τὸ δεύτερον. ἐμπρήσας δὲ τὰς οἰκίας καὶ τὸ τεῖχος κατασκάψας, ἵνα μηθὲν αὖθις ὁρμητήριον ἔχοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι μηδ᾽ ἐργάζοιντο τὴν γῆν, ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιάν.
[38.1] The next year, since the Latins had sent settlers to Politorium, which was then uninhabited, and were cultivating the lands of the Politorini, Marcius marched against them with his army. And when the Latins came outside the walls and drew up in order of battle, he defeated them and took the town a second time; and having burnt the houses and razed the walls, so the enemy might not again use it as a base of operations nor cultivate the land, he led his army home.
[2] τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἔτει Λατῖνοι μὲν ἐπὶ Μεδυλλίαν πόλιν στρατεύσαντες, ἐν ᾗ Ῥωμαίων ἦσαν ἄποικοι, προσκαθεζόμενοι τῷ τείχει καὶ πανταχόθεν ποιησάμενοι τὰς προσβολὰς αἱροῦσιν αὐτὴν κατὰ κράτος. Μάρκιος δὲ Τελλήνας πόλιν τῶν Λατίνων ἐπιφανῆ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν [p. 351] αἱρεῖ χρόνον ἐκ παρατάξεώς τε νικήσας καὶ διὰ τειχομαχίας παραστησάμενος, τούς τε ἁλόντας οὐδὲν ὧν εἶχον ἀφελόμενος εἰς Ῥώμην μητήγαγε καὶ τῆς πόλεως εἰς κατασκευὴν οἰκιῶν τόπον ἀπεμέρισε:
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 486