Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79)

by Dionysius of Halicarnassus

  [4] The leading men of their cities, therefore, having met with so great a calamity, acted as became prudent men. For when King Tarquinius led another army against them, they met in a general assembly and voted to treat with him about ending the war; and they sent to him the oldest and most honoured men from each city, giving them full powers to settle the terms of peace.

  [1] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας αὐτῶν πολλὰ διαλεχθέντων ἐπαγωγὰ πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν καὶ μετριότητα [p. 382] καὶ τῆς συγγενείας, ἧς εἶχε πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος, ὑπομιμνησκόντων ἓν τοῦτο μόνον ἔφη παρ᾽ αὐτῶν βούλεσθαι μαθεῖν, πότερον ἔτι διαφέρονται περὶ τῶν ἴσων καὶ ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισι τὰς περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὁμολογίας πάρεισι ποιησόμενοι, ἢ συγγινώσκουσιν ἑαυτοῖς κεκρατημένοις καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιτρέπουσιν αὐτῷ. ἀποκριναμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὅτι καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιτρέπουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην στέρξουσιν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἄν ποτε δικαίοις αὐτῆς τύχωσι, περιχαρὴς ἐπὶ τούτοις γενόμενος,

  [60.1] The king, after he had heard the many arguments they advanced to move him to clemency and moderation and had been reminded of his kinship to their nation, whether they still contended for equal rights and were come to make peace upon certain conditions, or acknowledged themselves to be vanquished and were ready to deliver up their cities to him. Upon their replying that they were not only delivering up their cities to him but should also be satisfied with a peace upon any fair terms they could get, he was greatly pleased at this and said:

  [2] ἀκούσατε νῦν, ἔφησεν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς καταλύσομαι τὸν πόλεμον δικαίοις καὶ τίνας ὑμῖν δίδωμι χάριτας: ἐγὼ Τυρρηνῶν οὔτε ἀποκτεῖναί τινα πρόθυμός εἰμι οὔτε φυγάδα ποιῆσαι τῆς πατρίδος οὔτε ἀφαιρέσει τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ζημιῶσαι τάς τε πόλεις ὑμῖν ἀφίημι πάσας ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἀφορολογήτους καὶ αὐτονόμους πολιτείας τε κόσμον ἑκάστῃ φυλάττειν συγχωρῶ τὸν ἀρχαῖον.

  [2] “Hear now upon what fair terms I will put an end to the war and what favours I am granting you. I am not eager either to put any of the Tyrrhenians to death or to banish any from their country or to punish any with the loss of their possessions. I impose no garrisons or tributes upon any of your cities, but permit each of them to enjoy its own laws and its ancient form of government.

  [3] διδοὺς δὲ ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἓν οἴομαι δεῖν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν δίδωμι πάντων ὑπάρξαι μοι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῶν πόλεων, ἧς κύριος μὲν ἔσομαι καὶ μὴ βουλομένων ὑμῶν ἕως ἂν κρατῶ τοῖς ὅπλοις, παρ᾽ ἑκόντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ παρ᾽ ἀκόντων τυχεῖν αὐτῆς βούλομαι. ταῦτ᾽ ἀπαγγέλλετε ταῖς πόλεσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ ὑμῖν ἐκεχειρίαν ἕως ἂν ἀφίκησθε παρέξειν ὑπισχνοῦμαι.

  [3] But in granting you this I think I ought to obtain one thing from you in return for all that I am giving, and that is the sovereignty over your cities — something that I shall possess even against your will as long as I am more powerful in arms, though I prefer to obtain it with your consent rather than without it. Inform your cities of this, and I promise to grant you an armistice till you return.

  [1] ταύτας λαβόντες οἱ πρέσβεις τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ᾤχοντο καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας παρῆσαν οὐ λόγους αὐτῷ μόνον φέροντες ψιλούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ [p. 383] σύμβολα τῆς ἡγεμονίας, οἷς ἐκόσμουν αὐτοὶ τοὺς σφετέρους βασιλεῖς, κομίζοντες στεφανόν τε χρύσεον καὶ θρόνον ἐλεφάντινον καὶ σκῆπτρον ἀετὸν ἔχον ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς χιτῶνά τε πορφυροῦν χρυσόσημον καὶ περιβόλαιον πορφυροῦν ποικίλον, οἷα Λυδῶν τε καὶ Περσῶν ἐφόρουν οἱ βασιλεῖς, πλὴν οὐ τετράγωνόν γε τῷ σχήματι, καθάπερ ἐκεῖνα ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμικύκλιον. τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἀμφιεσμάτων Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν τόγας, Ἕλληνες δὲ τήβεννον καλοῦσιν, οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὁπόθεν μαθόντες: Ἑλληνικὸν γὰρ οὐ φαίνεταί μοι τοὔνομα εἶναι.

  [61.1] The ambassadors, having received this answer, departed, and after a few days returned, not merely with words alone, but bringing the insignia of sovereignty with which they used to decorate their own kings. These were a crown of gold, an ivory throne, a sceptre with an eagle perched on its head, a purple tunic decorated with gold, and an embroidered purple robe like those the kings of Lydia and Persia used to wear, except that it was not rectangular in shape like theirs, but semicircular. This kind of robe is called toga by the Romans and têbenna by the Greeks; but I do not know where the Greeks learned the name, for it does not seem to me to be a Greek word.

  [2] ὡς δέ τινες ἱστοροῦσι καὶ τοὺς δώδεκα πελέκεις ἐκόμισαν αὐτῷ λαβόντες ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως ἕνα. Τυρρηνικὸν γὰρ εἶναι ἔθος δοκεῖ ἑκάστου τῶν κατὰ πόλιν βασιλέων ἕνα προηγεῖσθαι ῥαβδοφόρον ἅμα τῇ δέσμῃ τῶν ῥάβδων πέλεκυν φέροντα: εἰ δὲ κοινὴ γίνοιτο τῶν δώδεκα πόλεων στρατεία, τοὺς δώδεκα πελέκεις ἑνὶ παραδίδοσθαι τῷ λαβόντι τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχήν.

  [2] And according to some historians they also brought to Tarquinius the twelve axes, taking one from each city. For it seems to have been a Tyrrhenian custom for each king of the several cities to be preceded by a lictor bearing an axe together with the bundle of rods, and whenever the twelve cities undertook any joint military expedition, for the twelve axes to be handed over to the one man who was invested with absolute power.

  [3] οὐ μὴν ἅπαντές γε συμφέρονται τοῖς ταῦτα λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ παλαίτερον ἔτι τῆς Ταρκυνίου δυναστείας πελέκεις δώδεκα πρὸ τῶν βασιλέων φέρεσθαί φασι, καταστήσασθαι δὲ τὸ ἔθος τοῦτο Ῥωμύλον εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχήν. οὐθὲν δὲ κωλύει τὸ μὲν εὕρημα Τυρρηνῶν εἶναι, χρήσασθαι δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρῶτον Ῥωμύλον παρ᾽ ἐκείνων λαβόντα, κομισθῆναι δὲ Ταρκυνίῳ σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις κόσμοις βασιλικοῖς καὶ τοὺς δώδεκα πελέκεις, ὥσπερ γε καὶ νῦν [p. 384] Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ σκῆπτρα καὶ τὰ διαδήματα δωροῦνται τοῖς βασιλεῦσι βεβαιοῦντες αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐξουσίας, ἐπεὶ καὶ μὴ λαβόντες γε παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἔχουσιν αὐτά.

  [3] However, not all the authorities agree with those who express this opinion, but some maintain that even before the reign of Tarquinius twelve axes were carried before the kings of Rome and that Romulus instituted this custom as soon as he received the sovereignty. But there is nothing to prevent our believing that the Tyrrhenians were the authors of this practice, that Romulus adopted its use from them, and that the twelve axes also were brought to Tarquinius toge
ther with the other royal ornaments, just as the Romans even to-day give sceptres and diadems to kings in confirmation of their power; since, even without receiving those ornaments from the Romans, these kings make use of them.

  [1] ταύταις ταῖς τιμαῖς ὁ Ταρκύνιος οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐχρήσατο λαβών, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι γράφουσι τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν συγγραφέων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποδοὺς τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τὴν διάγνωσιν εἰ ληπτέον αὐτά, ἐπειδὴ πᾶσι βουλομένοις ἦν, τότε προσεδέξατο καὶ πάντα τὸν ἐξ ἐκείνου χρόνον ἕως εἰς τὸ χρεὼν μετέστη στέφανόν τε χρύσεον ἐφόρει καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα ποικίλην ἠμπίσχετο καὶ σκῆπτρον ἐλεφάντινον ἔχων ἐπὶ θρόνου ἐκαθέζετο ἐλεφαντίνου, καὶ οἱ δώδεκα ῥαβδοῦχοι τοὺς πελέκεις φέροντες ἅμα ταῖς ῥάβδοις δικάζοντί τε αὐτῷ παρίσταντο καὶ πορευομένου προηγοῦντο.

  [62.1] Tarquinius, however, did not avail himself of these honours as soon as he received them, according to most of the Roman historians, but left it to the senate and people to decide whether he should accept them or not; and when they unanimously approved, he then accepted them and from that time till he died always wore a crown of gold and an embroidered purple robe and sat on a throne of ivory holding an ivory sceptre in his hand, and the twelve lictors, bearing the axes and rods, attended him when he sat in judgment and preceded him when he went abroad.

  [2] οὗτος ὁ κόσμος ἅπας καὶ τοῖς μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὴν βασιλικὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχουσι παρέμεινε καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τῶν βασιλέων τοῖς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπάτοις ἔξω τοῦ στεφάνου καὶ τῆς ποικίλης ἐσθῆτος: ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀφῃρέθη μόνα φορτικὰ δόξαντα εἶναι καὶ ἐπίφθονα. πλὴν ὅταν ἐκ πολέμου νίκην κατάγοντες θριάμβου παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀξιωθῶσι, τότε καὶ χρυσοφοροῦσι καὶ ποικίλαις ἁλουργίσιν ἀμφιέννυνται. ὁ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς συστὰς Ταρκυνίῳ πόλεμος ἔτη κατασχὼν ἐννέα τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν συντέλειαν.

  [2] All these ornaments were retained by the kings who succeeded him, and, after the expulsion of the kings, by the annual consuls — all except the crown and the embroidered robe; these alone were taken from them, being looked upon as vulgar and invidious. Yet whenever they return victorious from a war and are honoured with a triumph by the senate, they then not only wear gold but are also clad in embroidered purple robes. This, then, was the outcome of the war between Tarquinius and the Tyrrhenians after it had lasted nine years.

  [1] ἑνὸς δὲ καταλειπομένου τοῦ Σαβίνων [p. 385] ἔθνους ἀντιπάλου Ῥωμαίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἄνδρας τε μαχητὰς ἔχοντος καὶ χώραν νεμομένου πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης οὐ πρόσω κειμένην, πολλὴν ἔσχεν ὁ Ταρκύνιος προθυμίαν καὶ τούτους ὑπαγαγέσθαι καὶ προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς τὸν πόλεμον ἐγκαλῶν ταῖς πόλεσιν, ὅτι τοὺς ὑποσχομένους Τυρρηνοῖς ἐὰν ἀφίκωνται στρατὸν ἄγοντες εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐκείνοις μὲν φίλας, Ῥωμαίοις δ᾽ ἐχθρὰς ποιήσειν τὰς σφετέρας πατρίδας οὐκ ἐβούλοντο ἐκδοῦναι.

  [63.1] Since there now remained as a rival to the Romans for the supremacy only the Sabine race, which not only possessed warlike men but also inhabited a large and fertile country lying not far from Rome, Tarquinius was extremely desirous of subduing these also and declared war against them. He complained that their cities had refused to deliver up those who had promised the Tyrrhenians that if they entered their country with an army they would make their cities friendly to them and hostile to the Romans.

  [2] οἱ δὲ ἄσμενοί τε ὑποδέχονται τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν ἀστῶν ἀφαιρεθῆναι, καὶ πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν ἐπὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὶ στρατὸν ἐξάγουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων. βασιλεὺς δὲ Ταρκύνιος ὡς ἤκουσε διαβεβηκότας τοὺς Σαβίνους Ἀνίητα ποταμὸν καὶ λεηλατούμενα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἅπαντα, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν εὐζωνοτάτην Ῥωμαίων νεότητα ὡς εἶχε τάχους ἐξῆγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς διεσπαρμένους ἐπὶ τὰς προνομάς.

  [2] The Sabines not only cheerfully accepted the war, being unwilling to be deprived of the most influential of their citizens, but also, before the Roman army could come against them, they themselves invaded the others’ territory. As soon as King Tarquinius heard that the Sabines had crossed the river Anio and that all the country round their camp was being laid waste, he took with him such of the Roman youth as were most lightly equipped, and led them with all possible speed against those of the enemy who were dispersed in foraging.

  [3] ἀποκτείνας δὲ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν λείαν ὅσην ἦγον ἀφελόμενος ἐγγὺς τῆς ἐκείνων παρεμβολῆς τίθεται τὸν χάρακα καὶ διαλιπὼν ὀλίγας τινὰς ἡμέρας, ἕως ἥ τε λοιπὴ δύναμις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφίκετο καὶ αἱ παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπικουρίαι συνήχθησαν, κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον ὡς μαχησόμενος.

  [3] Then, having slain many of them and taken away all the booty which they were driving off, he pitched his camp near theirs; and after remaining quiet there for a few days till not only the remainder of his army from Rome had reached him but the auxiliary forces also from his allies had assembled, he descended into the plain ready to give battle.

  [1] ἰδόντες δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οἱ Σαβῖνοι προθύμως ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χωροῦντας ἐξῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς δυνάμεις οὔτε πλήθει λειπόμενοι τῶν πολεμίων [p. 386] οὔτε ἀρετῇ καὶ συμπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο πᾶσαν ἀποδεικνύμενοι τόλμαν, ἕως ἦν αὐτοῖς εἷς μόνος ὁ πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ἀγών. ἔπειτα μαθόντες ἐπιόντα σφίσι κατὰ νώτου στρατὸν πολεμίων ἕτερον ἐν τάξει τε καὶ κόσμῳ χωροῦντα καταλιπόντες τὰ σημεῖα τρέπονται πρὸς φυγήν. ἦσαν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἄνδρες ἐπίλεκτοι πεζοί τε καὶ ἱππεῖς οἱ κατόπιν ἐπιφανέντες τοῖς Σαβίνοις, οὓς ὁ Ταρκύνιος ἐν ἐπιτηδείοις χωρίοις διὰ νυκτὸς ἐλόχισε.

  [64.1] When the Sabines saw the Romans eagerly advancing to the combat, they also led out their forces, which were not inferior to the enemy either in numbers or in courage, and engaging, they fought with all possible bravery, so long as they had to contend only with those who were arrayed opposite them. Then, learning that another hostile army was advancing in their rear in orderly battle formation, they deserted their standards and turned to flight. The troops that appeared behind the Sabines were chosen men of the Romans, both horse and foot, whom Tarquinius had placed in ambush in suitable positions dur
ing the night.

  [2] τούτους δὴ τοὺς ἄνδρας οἱ Σαβῖνοι δείσαντες ἐκ τοῦ ἀδοκήτου σφίσιν ἐπιφαινομένους οὐθὲν ἔτι γενναῖον ἔργον ἀπεδείξαντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κατεστρατηγημένοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ συμφορᾷ πεπληγότες ἀμάχῳ σώζειν ἑαυτοὺς ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς ἐπειρῶντο, κἂν τούτῳ μάλιστα πολὺς αὐτῶν φόνος ἐγένετο διωκομένων ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἵππου καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀποκλειομένων: ὥστε ὀλίγους τινὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν κομιδῇ γενέσθαι τοὺς διασωθέντας εἰς τὰς ἔγγιστα πόλεις, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον μέρος ὅσον μὴ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἔπεσεν ὑποχείριον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι: οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ καταλειφθέντες ἐν τῷ χάρακι τὴν ἔφοδον ἀποκρούσασθαι τῶν ἐπιόντων σφίσιν ἐθάρρησαν οὐδ᾽ εἰς πεῖραν ἦλθον μάχης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκταραχθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα κακοῦ παρέδοσαν ἀμαχητὶ σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ ἔρυμα.

  [2] The unexpected appearance of these troops struck such terror into the Sabines that they displayed no further deed of bravery, but, feeling that they had been outmanoeuvred by the enemy and overwhelmed by an irresistible calamity, they endeavoured to save themselves, some in one direction and some in another; and it was in this route that the greatest slaughter occurred among them, while they were being pursued by the Roman horse and surrounded on all sides. Consequently, those of their number who escaped to the nearest cities were very few and the greater part of those who were not slain in the battle fell into the hands of the Romans. Indeed, not even the forces that were left in the camp had the courage to repulse the assault of the enemy or to hazard an engagement, but, terrified by their unexpected misfortune, surrendered both themselves and their entrenchments without striking a blow.