[1] ὁ δὲ Τύλλιος οὐκ ἐν τούτοις μόνον τοῖς πολιτεύμασι δημοτικὸς ὢν ἐδήλωσεν, ἐν οἷς ἐδόκει τήν τε τῆς βουλῆς ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν πατρικίων δυναστείαν ἐλαττοῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν οἷς τὴν βασιλικὴν ἀρχὴν ἐμείωσεν αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀφελόμενος.
[25.1] Tullius showed himself a friend to the people, not only in these measures by which he seemed to lessen the authority of the senate and the power of the patricians, but also in those by which he diminished the royal power, of half of which he deprived himself.
[2] τῶν γὰρ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων ἁπάσας ἀξιούντων ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἄγειν τὰς δίκας καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐγκλήματα τά τ᾽ ἴδια καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτῶν τρόπον δικαζόντων ἐκεῖνος διελὼν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν τὰ δημόσια, τῶν μὲν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν φερόντων ἀδικημάτων αὐτὸς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διαγνώσεις, τῶν δ᾽ ἰδιωτικῶν ἰδιώτας ἔταξεν εἶναι δικαστάς, ὅρους καὶ
[2] For whereas the kings before him had thought proper to have all causes brought before them and had determined all suits both private and public as they themselves thought fit, he, making a distinction between public and private suits, took cognizance himself of all crimes which affected the public, but in private cases appointed private persons to be judges, prescribing for them as norms and standards the laws which he himself had established.
[3] κανόνας αὐτοῖς τάξας, οὕς αὐτὸς ἔγραψε νόμους. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ ἐν τῇ πόλει πράγματα τὸν κράτιστον εἰλήφει κόσμον, εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν ἦλθεν ἐπιφανές τι διαπραξάμενος αἰώνιον ἑαυτοῦ μνήμην τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις καταλιπεῖν. ἐφιστὰς δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐπὶ τὰ τῶν ἀρχαίων βασιλέων τε καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν μνημεῖα, ἐξ ὧν εἰς ὀνόματα καὶ δόξας προῆλθον, οὔτε τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου τείχους ἐμακάρισε τὴν Ἀσσυρίαν ἐκείνην γυναῖκα οὔτε τῶν ἐν Μέμφει πυραμίδων τοὺς Αἰγύπτου βασιλεῖς οὔτ᾽ εἴ τις ἄλλη πλούτου καὶ πολυχειρίας ἐπίδειξις ἦν ἀνδρὸς ἡγεμόνος, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάντα μικρὰ καὶ ὀλιγοχρόνια καὶ οὐκ ἄξια σπουδῆς ἡγησάμενος ὄψεώς τ᾽ [p. 46] ἀπάτας, οὐκ ἀληθεῖς βίου καὶ πραγμάτων ὠφελείας, ἐξ ὧν μακαρισμοὶ τοῖς κατασκευασαμένοις ἠκολούθουν μόνον, ἐπαίνου δὲ καὶ ζήλου ἄξια τὰ τῆς γνώμης ἔργα ὑπολαβών, ἧς πλεῖστοί τ᾽ ἀπολαύουσι καὶ ἐπὶ μήκιστον χρόνον καρποῦνται τὰς ὠφελείας, πάντων μάλιστα τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων τὴν Ἀμφικτύονος τοῦ Ἕλληνος ἐπίνοιαν ἠγάσθη, ὃς ἀσθενὲς ὁρῶν καὶ ῥᾴδιον ὑπὸ τῶν περιοικούντων βαρβάρων ἐξαναλωθῆναι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν γένος, εἰς τὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνου κληθεῖσαν Ἀμφικτυονικὴν σύνοδον καὶ πανήγυριν αὐτὸ συνήγαγε, νόμους καταστησάμενος ἔξω τῶν ἰδίων, ὧν ἑκάστη πόλις εἶχε, τοὺς κοινοὺς ἅπασιν, οὓς καλοῦσιν Ἀμφικτυονικούς, ἐξ ὧν φίλοι μὲν ὄντες ἀλλήλοις διετέλουν καὶ τὸ συγγενὲς φυλάττοντες μᾶλλον ἔργοις ἢ λόγοις, λυπηροὶ δὲ τοῖς 6 βαρβάροις καὶ φοβεροί.
[3] When he had arranged affairs in the city in the best manner, he conceived a desire to perpetuate his memory with posterity by some illustrious enterprise. And upon turning his attention to the monuments both of ancient kings and statesmen by which they had gained reputation and glory, he did not envy either that Assyrian woman for having built the walls of Babylon, or the kings of Egypt for having raised the pyramids at Memphis, or any other prince for whatever monument he might have erected as a display of his riches and of the multitude of workmen at his command. On the contrary, he regarded all these things as trivial and ephemeral and unworthy of serious attention, mere beguilements for the eyes, but no real aids to the conduct of life or to the administration of public affairs, since they led to nothing more than a reputation for great felicity on the part of those who built them. But the things that he regarded as worthy of praise and emulation were the works of the mind, the advantages from which are enjoyed by the greatest number of people and for the greatest length of time. And of all the achievements of this nature he admired most the plan of Amphictyon, the son of Hellen, who, seeing the Greek nation weak and easy to be destroyed by the barbarians who surrounded them, brought them together in a general council and assemblage of the whole nation, named after him the Amphictyonic council; and then, apart from the particular laws by which each city was governed, established others common to all, which they call the Amphictyonic laws, in consequence of which they lived in mutual friendship, and fulfilling the obligations of kinship by their actions rather than by their professions, continued troublesome and formidable neighbours to the barbarians.
[4] παρ᾽ οὗ τὸ παράδειγμα λαβόντες Ἴωνές θ᾽ οἱ μεταθέμενοι τὴν οἴκησιν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὰ παραθαλάττια τῆς Καρίας καὶ Δωριεῖς οἱ περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους τὰς πόλεις ἱδρυσάμενοι ἱερὰ κατεσκεύασαν ἀπὸ κοινῶν ἀναλωμάτων: Ἴωνες μὲν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, Δωριεῖς δ᾽ ἐπὶ Τριοπίῳ τὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος: ἔνθα συνιόντες γυναιξὶν [p. 47] ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις κατὰ τοὺς ἀποδειχθέντας χρόνους συνέθυόν τε καὶ συνεπανηγύριζον καὶ ἀγῶνας ἐπετέλουν ἱππικοὺς καὶ γυμνικοὺς καὶ τῶν περὶ μουσικὴν ἀκουσμάτων καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἀναθήμασι κοινοῖς ἐδωροῦντο.
[4] His example was followed by the Ionians who, leaving Europe, settled in the maritime parts of Caria, and also by the Dorians, who built their cities in the same region and erected temples at the common expense — the Ionians building the temple of Diana at Ephesus and the Dorians that of Apollo at Triopium — where they assembled with their wives and children at the appointed times, joined together in sacrificing and celebrating the festival, engaged in various contests, equestrian, gymnastic and musical, and made joint offerings to the gods.
[5] θεωρήσαντες δὲ καὶ πανηγυρίσαντες καὶ τὰς ἄλλας φιλοφροσύνας παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀναλαβόντες, εἴ τι πρόσκρουσμα πόλει πρὸς πόλιν ἐγεγόνει, δικασταὶ καθεζόμενοι διῄτων καὶ περὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους πολέμου καὶ περὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμοφροσύνης κοινὰς ἐποιοῦντο βουλάς.
[5] After they had witnessed the spectacles, celebrated the festival, and received the other evidences of goodwill from one another, if any difference had arisen between one city and another, arbiters sat in judgment and decided the controversy; and they also consulted together concerning the means both of carrying on the war against the barbarians and of maintaining their mut
ual concord.
[6] ταῦτα δὴ καὶ τὰ ὅμοια τούτοις παραδείγματα λαβὼν προθυμίαν ἔσχε καὶ αὐτὸς ἁπάσας τὰς μετεχούσας πόλεις τοῦ Λατίνων γένους συστῆσαι καὶ συναγαγεῖν, ἵνα μὴ στασιάζουσαι καὶ πολεμοῦσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας ὑπὸ τῶν προσοικούντων βαρβάρων τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφαιρεθῶσι.
[6] These and the like examples inspired Tullius also with a desire of bringing together and uniting all the cities belonging to the Latin race, so that they might not, as the result of engaging in strife at home and in wars with one another, be deprived of their liberty by the neighbouring barbarians.
[1] γνοὺς δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς κρατίστους ἄνδρας ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως συνεκάλει περὶ μεγάλων καὶ κοινῶν φήσας πραγμάτων συμβούλους αὐτοὺς συγκαλεῖν. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνῆλθον, συναγαγὼν τήν τε Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ἥκοντας λόγον διεξῆλθε παρακλητικὸν ὁμονοίας, διδάσκων ὡς καλὸν μὲν χρῆμα πολλαὶ πόλεις μιᾷ γνώμῃ χρώμεναι, αἰσχρὰ δ᾽ ὄψις συγγενῶν ἀλλήλαις διαφερομένων: αἴτιόν τ᾽ ἰσχύος μὲν ταῖς ἀσθενέσιν ἀποφαίνων ὁμοφροσύνην, ταπεινότητος δὲ καὶ ἀσθενείας καὶ ταῖς πάνυ ἰσχυραῖς ἀλληλοφθορίαν.
[26.1] After he had taken this resolution he called together the most important men of every city, stating that he was summoning them to take counsel with him about matters of great consequence and of mutual concern. When they had assembled, he caused the Roman senate and these men who came from the cities to meet together, and made a long speech exhorting them to concord, pointing out what a fine thing it is when a number of states agree together and what a disgraceful sight when kinsmen are at variance, and declaring that concord is a source of strength to weak states, while mutual slaughter reduces and weakens even the strongest.
[2] ταῦτα διεξελθὼν ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς, ὡς [p. 48] χρὴ Λατίνους μὲν τῶν προσοίκων ἄρχειν καὶ τὰ δίκαια τάττειν Ἕλληνας ὄντας βαρβάροις: Ῥωμαίους δὲ τὴν ἁπάντων Λατίνων ἔχειν προστασίαν μεγέθει τε πόλεως προὔχοντας καὶ πραγμάτων ὄγκῳ καὶ τῇ προνοίᾳ τοῦ δαιμονίου κρείττονι κεχρημένους ἐκείνων, δι᾽ ἣν εἰς τοσαύτην ἐπιφάνειαν προῆλθον.
[2] After this he went on to show them that the Latins ought to have the command over their neighbours and, being Greeks, ought to give laws to barbarians, and that the Romans ought to have the leadership of all the Latins, not only because they excelled in the size of their city and the greatness of their achievements, but also because they, more than the others, had enjoyed the favour of divine providence and in consequence had attained to so great eminence.
[3] τοιαῦτα διεξελθὼν συνεβούλευεν αὐτοῖς ἱερὸν ἄσυλον ἀπὸ κοινῶν ἀναλωμάτων ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατασκευάσασθαι, ἐν ᾧ θύσουσί θ᾽ αἱ πόλεις συνερχόμεναι καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἰδίας τε καὶ κοινὰς θυσίας καὶ πανηγύρεις ἄξουσιν, ἐν οἷς ἂν ὁρίσωσι χρόνοις, καί, εἴ τι γένοιτο πρόσκρουσμα αὐταῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλας, ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν τοῦτο διαλύσονται, ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ἐπιτρέψασαι τὰ ἐγκλήματα διαγνῶναι.
[3] Having said this, he advised them to build a temple of refuge at Rome at their joint expense, to which the cities should repair every year and offer up sacrifices both individually and in common, and also celebrate festivals at such times as they should appoint; and if any difference should arise between these cities, they should terminate it over the sacrifices, submitting their complaints to the rest of the cities for decision.
[4] διεξιὼν ταῦτα τε καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἕξουσιν ἀγαθὰ βουλευτήριον ἐγκαταστησάμενοι πάντας ἔπεισε τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ παρόντας: καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο κατεσκεύασεν ἐξ ὧν ἅπασαι συνήνεγκαν αἱ πόλεις χρημάτων τὸν τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεών, τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ μεγίστου τῶν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ λόφων ἱδρυμένον Αὐεντίνου: καὶ τοὺς νόμους συνέγραψε ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς ἀλλήλας καὶ τἆλλα τὰ περὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν καὶ πανήγυριν, ὃν ἐπιτελεσθήσεται τρόπον, ἔταξεν.
[4] By enlarging upon these and the many other advantages they would reap from the appointment of a general council, he prevailed on all who were present at the session to give their consent. And later, with the money contributed by all the cities, he built the temple of Diana, which stands upon the Aventine, the largest of all the hills in Rome; and he drew up laws relating to the mutual rights of the cities and prescribed the manner in which everything else that concerned the festival and the general assembly should be performed.
[5] ἵνα δὲ μηδεὶς χρόνος αὐτοὺς ἀφανίσῃ, στήλην κατασκευάσας χαλκῆν ἔγραψεν ἐν ταύτῃ τά τε δόξαντα τοῖς συνέδροις καὶ τὰς μετεχούσας τῆς [p. 49] συνόδου πόλεις. αὕτη διέμεινεν ἡ στήλη μέχρι τῆς ἐμῆς ἡλικίας ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῷ κειμένη γραμμάτων ἔχουσα χαρακτῆρας Ἑλληνικῶν, οἷς τὸ παλαιὸν ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐχρῆτο. ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ ποιήσαιτ᾽ ἄν τις οὐ μικρὸν τεκμήριον τοῦ μὴ βαρβάρους εἶναι τοὺς οἰκίσαντας τὴν Ῥώμην. οὐ γὰρ ἂν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐχρῶντο γράμμασιν ὄντες βάρβαροι.
[5] And to the end that no lapse of time should obliterate these laws, he erected a bronze pillar upon which he engraved both the decrees of the council and the names of the cities which had taken part in it. This pillar still existed down to my time in the temple of Diana, with the inscription in the characters that were anciently used in Greece. This alone would serve as no slight proof that the founders of Rome were not barbarians; for if they had been, they would not have used Greek characters.
[6] πολιτικαὶ μὲν δὴ πράξεις τοῦ βασιλέως τούτου σὺν ἄλλαις πολλαῖς ἐλάττοσί τε καὶ ἀμαυροτέραις αἱ μέγισται καὶ λαμπρόταται αὗται μνημονεύονται, πολεμικαὶ δ᾽ αἱ πρὸς ἓν τὸ Τυρρηνῶν ἔθνος γενόμεναι, περὶ ὧν μέλλω νῦν διεξιέναι.
[6] These are the most important and most conspicuous administrative measures that are recorded of this king, besides many others of less note and certainty. His military operations were directed against one nation only, that of the Tyrrhenians; of these I shall now give an account.
[1] μετὰ τὴν ταρκυνίου τελευτὴν αἱ παραδοῦσαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐκείνῳ πόλεις οὐκέτι φυλάττειν ἐβούλοντο τὰς ὁμολογίας Τυλλίῳ τ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιοῦσαι ταπεινῷ κατὰ γένος ὄντι ὑπακούειν, καὶ τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν πατρικίων τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα γενομένην μεγάλην σφίσιν ὠφέλειαν παρέξειν νομίζουσαι.
[27.1] After the death of Tarquinius those cities which had yielded the sovereignty to him refused to observe the terms of their treaties any longer, disdaining to submit to Tullius, since he was a man of lowly birth, and anticipating great advantages for themselves from the discord that had arisen between the patricians and their ruler.
[2] ἤρξαντο δὲ τῆς ἀποστάσεως οἱ καλούμενοι Οὐιεντανοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐλθοῦσι παρὰ τοῦ Τυλλίου πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίναντο μηδεμίαν εἶναί σφισι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον μήθ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας παραχωρήσεως μήτε περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας συνθήκην. ἀρξάντων δὲ τούτων Καιρητανοί τ᾽ ἠκολούθησαν καὶ Ταρκυνιῆται, καὶ τελευτῶσα ἐν ὅπλοις ἦν ἅπασα ἡ Τυρρηνία.
[2] The people called the Veientes were the leaders of this revolt; and when Tullius sent ambassadors they replied that they had no treaty with him either concerning their yielding the sovereignty or concerning friendship and an alliance. These having set the example, the people of Caere and Tarquinii followed it, and at last all Tyrrhenia was in arms.
[3] οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος εἴκοσι διέμεινεν ἔτη συνεχῶς πολεμούμενος εἰσβολάς τε πολλὰς ἀμφοτέρων μεγάλοις στρατεύμασι ποιουμένων εἰς τὴν [p. 50] ἀλλήλων καὶ παρατάξεις ἄλλας ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις συνισταμένων. ἐν ἁπάσαις δὲ ταῖς μάχαις κατορθῶν ὁ Τύλλιος, ὅσαι κατὰ πόλεις τε καὶ πρὸς ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος αὐτῷ συνέστησαν, καὶ τρισὶν ἐπιφανεστάτοις κοσμηθεὶς θριάμβοις τελευτῶν ἠνάγκασε τοὺς οὐκ ἀξιοῦντας ἄρχεσθαι τὸν χαλινὸν ἑκόντας λαβεῖν.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 506