[3] This war lasted for twenty years without intermission, during which time both sides made many irruptions into one another’s territories with great armies and fought one pitched battle after another. But Tullius, after being successful in all the battles in which he engaged, both against the several cities and against the whole nation, and after being honoured with three most splendid triumphs, at last forced those who refused to be ruled to accept the yoke against their will.
[4] εἰκοστῷ δ᾽ οὖν ἔτει συνελθοῦσαι πάλιν αἱ δώδεκα πόλεις ἐξανηλωμέναι τῷ πολέμῳ τά τε σώματα καὶ τὰ χρήματα γνώμην ἔσχον παραδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς πρότερον ἐψηφίσαντο. καὶ παρῆσαν ἀπὸ πάσης πόλεως οἱ προχειρισθέντες σὺν ἱκετηρίαις ἐπιτρέποντες Τυλλίῳ τὰς πόλεις καὶ μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεῦσαι περὶ αὐτῶν ἀξιοῦντες.
[4] In the twentieth year, therefore, the twelve cities, having become exhausted by the war both in men and in money, again met together and decided to yield the sovereignty to the Romans upon the same terms as previously. And so the men chosen as envoys from each city arrived with the tokens of suppliants, and entrusting their cities to Tullius, begged of him not to adopt any extreme measures against them.
[5] Τύλλιος δὲ τῆς μὲν ἀφροσύνης ἕνεκα καὶ τῶν εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς ἀσεβημάτων, οὓς ἐγγυητὰς ποιησάμενοι τῶν ὁμολογιῶν παρέβησαν τὰ συγκείμενα, πολλῶν αὐτοὺς ἔφη τιμωριῶν ἀξίους εἶναι καὶ μεγάλων: τῆς δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐπιεικείας καὶ μετριότητος, ἐπειδὴ συγγνόντες ἀδικεῖν στέμμασι καὶ λιτανείαις παρῃτοῦντο
[5] Tullius told them that because of their folly and their impiety towards the gods whom they had made sponsors of their treaties, only to violate their agreements afterwards, they deserved many severe punishments; but that, since you acknowledged their fault and were come with the fillets of suppliants and with entreaties to deprecate the resentment they had merited, they should fail of none of the clemency and moderation of the Romans at this time.
[6] τὴν ὀργήν, οὐδὲν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀτυχήσειν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καταλύεται τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλεμον, ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ἁπλῶς καὶ δίχα ὀργῆς μνησικάκου πολιτεύεσθαί τ᾽ ἀποδοὺς ὡς πρότερον καὶ τὰ ἴδια καρποῦσθαι, μενούσαις ἐν ταῖς γραφείσαις πρὸς αὐτὰς συνθήκαις ὑπὸ βασιλέως Ταρκυνίου: τρεῖς δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν πόλεις, αἳ προεξανέστησάν τε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπηγάγοντο [p. 51] κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐξενεγκεῖν τὸν πόλεμον, Καιρητανοὺς καὶ Ταρκυνιήτας καὶ Οὐιεντανούς, ἀφαιρέσει χώρας τιμωρησάμενος, ἣν κατεκληρούχησε Ῥωμαίων τοῖς νεωστὶ προσεληλυθόσι πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν.
[6] Having said this, he put an end to the war against them, and in the case of most of the cities, without imposing any conditions or harbouring any resentment for past injuries, he permitted them to retain the same government as before and also to enjoy their own possessions as long as they should abide by the treaties made with them by Tarquinius. But in the case of the three cities of Caere, Tarquinii and Veii, which had not only begun the revolt but had also induced the rest to make war upon the Romans, he punished them by seizing a part of their lands, which he portioned out among those who had lately been added to the body of Roman citizens.
[7] ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἐν εἰρήνῃ τε καὶ κατὰ πολέμους καὶ ναοὺς δύο κατασκευασάμενος Τύχης, ᾗ παρὰ πάντα τὸν βίον ἔδοξεν ἀγαθῇ κεχρῆσθαι, τὸν μὲν ἐν ἀγορᾷ τῇ καλουμένῃ Βοαρίᾳ, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐπὶ ταῖς ἠιόσι τοῦ Τεβέριος, ἣν ἀνδρείαν προσηγόρευσεν, ὡς καὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καλεῖται: ἡλικίας τε προβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν τελευτῆς οὐ μακρὰν ἀπέχων, ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ Ταρκυνίου τε τοῦ γαμβροῦ καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατρὸς ἀποθνήσκει. διηγήσομαι δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον μικρὰ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν γενομένων ἀναλαβών.
[7] Besides these achievements in both peace and war, he built two temples to Fortune, who seemed to have favoured him all his life, one in the market called the Cattle Market, the other on the banks of the Tiber to the Fortune which he named Fortuna Virilis, as she is called by the Romans even to this day. And being now advanced in years and not far from a natural death, he was treacherously slain by Tarquinius, his son-in-law, and by his own daughter. I shall also relate the manner in which this treacherous deed was carried out; but first I must go back and mention a few things that preceded it.
[1] ἦσαν τῷ Τυλλίῳ δύο θυγατέρες ἐκ γυναικὸς γενόμεναι Ταρκυνίας, ἣν ἐνεγγύησεν αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς Ταρκύνιος. ταύτας τὰς κόρας ἐπιγάμους γενομένας ἐκδίδοται τοῖς ἀδελφιδοῖς τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν, υἱωνοῖς δὲ Ταρκυνίου, τῷ τε πρεσβυτέρῳ τὴν πρεσβυτέραν ἁρμόσας καὶ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τὴν νεωτέραν: οὕτως οἰόμενος αὐτὰς μάλιστα συνοίσεσθαι τοῖς λαβοῦσιν.
[28.1] Tullius had two daughters by his wife Tarquinia, whom King Tarquinius had given to him in marriage. When these maidens were of marriageable age, he gave them to the nephews of their mother, who were also the grandsons of Tarquinius, joining the elder daughter to the elder nephew and the younger to the younger, since he thought they would thus live most harmoniously with their husbands.
[2] ἔτυχε δὲ τῶν γαμβρῶν ἑκάτερος ἐναντίᾳ συναφθεὶς τύχῃ κατὰ τὴν οὐχ ὁμοτροπίαν: Λευκίῳ μὲν γὰρ τῷ [p. 52] πρεσβυτέρῳ τολμηρῷ καὶ αὐθάδει καὶ τυραννικῷ τὴν φύσιν ὄντι χρηστὴ καὶ σώφρων καὶ φιλοπάτωρ συνῆλθε γυνή, Ἀρροῦντι δὲ τῷ νεωτέρῳ πολὺ τὸ πρᾷον ἔχοντι καὶ εὐλόγιστον ἀνοσία καὶ μισοπάτωρ καὶ πάντολμος 7 ἦν ἡ γαμετή.
[2] But it happened that each of his sons-in-law was joined by an adverse fate in the matter of dissimilarity of character. For the wife of Lucius, the elder of the two brothers, who was of a bold, arrogant and tyrannical nature, was a good woman, modest and fond of her father; on the other hand, the wife of Arruns, the younger brother, a man of great mildness and prudence, was a wicked woman who hated her father and was capable of any rash action.
[3] συνέβαινε δὴ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἑκατέρῳ φέρεσθαι μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν, μετάγεσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τἀναντία: ὁ μέν γε πονηρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν τῆς βασιλείας τὸν κηδεστὴν προθυμούμενος καὶ πάντα μηχανώμενος εἰς τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς μετεπείθετο ἀντιβολούσης τε καὶ ὀδυρομένης: ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιεικὴς οὐδὲν οἰόμενος δεῖν ἐξαμαρτάνειν εἰς τὸν πενθερόν, ἀλλὰ π
εριμένειν, ἕως ἡ φύσις αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν ἐξαγάγῃ, καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐκ ἐῶν πράττειν τὰ μὴ δίκαια, ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνοσίας γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τἀναντία μετήγετο νουθετούσης τε καὶ λοιδορουμένης καὶ τὴν ἀνανδρίαν κακιζούσης:
[3] Thus it chanced that each of the husbands tried to follow his own bent, but was drawn in the opposite direction by his wife. For when the wicked husband desired to drive his father-in-law from the throne and was devising every means to accomplish this, his wife by her prayers and tears endeavoured to prevail on him to desist. And when the good husband thought himself obliged to abstain from all attempts against the life of his father-in-law and to wait till he should end his days by the course of nature, and tried to prevent his brother from doing what was wrong, his wicked wife, by her remonstrances and reproaches and by reviling him with a want of spirit, sought to draw him in the opposite direction.
[4] ὡς δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον οὔτε αἱ τῆς σώφρονος λιτανεῖαι τὰ κράτιστα τὸν οὐ δίκαιον ἄνδρα πειθούσης, οὔτε αἱ τῆς μιαρᾶς παραινέσεις ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνοσίους πράξεις τὸν οὐ πονηρὸν εἶναι πεφυκότα παρακαλούσης, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκάτερος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν ἐφέρετο καὶ λυπηρὰν ἡγεῖτο τὴν μὴ τὰ ὅμοια βουλομένην, τῇ μὲν ὀδύρεσθαί τε καὶ φέρειν τὸν ἑαυτῆς δαίμονα περιῆν: τῇ δὲ παντόλμῳ χαλεπαίνειν καὶ ἀπαλλαγῆναι ζητεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ συνοικοῦντος.
[4] But when nothing was accomplished by either the entreaties of the virtuous wife as she urged upon her unjust husband the best course, or by the exhortations of the wicked wife when she strove to incite to impious deeds the husband who was not by nature evil, but each husband followed his natural bent and thought his wife troublesome because her wishes differed from his own, nothing remained but for the first wife to lament and submit to her fate and for her audacious sister to rage and endeavour to rid herself of her husband.
[5] ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἡ κακὴ τὴν φύσιν ἀπονοηθεῖσα καὶ νομίσασα τοῖς ἑαυτῆς τρόποις ἁρμόττειν μάλιστα τὸν τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἄνδρα [p. 53] μεταπέμπεταί τ᾽ αὐτὸν ὡς ὑπὲρ ἀναγκαίου πράγματος διαλεξομένη,
[5] At last this wicked woman, grown desperate and believing her sister’s husband to be most suitable to her own character, sent for him, as if she wanted to talk with him concerning a matter of urgent importance.
[1] καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρεγένετο, μεταστῆναι κελεύσασα τοὺς ἔνδον, ἵνα μόνη διαλεχθείη πρὸς μόνον, Ἆρ᾽, ἔφησεν, ὦ Ταρκύνιε, μετὰ παρρησίας ἔξεστί μοι καὶ ἀκινδύνως ἅπαντα εἰπεῖν, ὅσα φρονῶ περὶ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων, καὶ καθέξεις οὓς ἂν ἀκούσῃς λόγους; ἢ σιωπᾶν ἄμεινόν ἐστί μοι καὶ μὴ φέρειν εἰς μέσον βουλὰς ἀπορρήτους;
[29.1] And when he came, after first ordering those who were in the room to withdraw, that she might talk with him in private, she said: “May I, Tarquinius, speak freely and without risk all my thoughts concerning our common interests? And will you keep to yourself what you shall hear? Or is it better for me to remain silent and not to communicate plans that require secrecy?”
[2] κελεύσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ταρκυνίου λέγειν, ὅ τι βούλεται, καὶ περὶ τοῦ καθέξειν ἐν ἑαυτῷ τοὺς λόγους πίστεις ἐπιθέντος δι᾽ ὅρκων, οὓς ἐκείνη προῃρεῖτο, οὐδὲν ἔτι αἰσχυνθεῖσα λέγει πρὸς αὐτόν: μέχρι τίνος, ὦ Ταρκύνιε, τῆς βασιλείας ἀποστερούμενος ἀνέχεσθαι διανοῇ; πότερον ἐκ ταπεινῶν καὶ ἀσήμων ἔφυς προγόνων καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιοῖς ἐπὶ σεαυτῷ μέγα φρονεῖν; ἀλλὰ πάντες ἴσασιν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἀρχαίοις ὑμῶν προγόνοις Ἕλλησιν οὖσι καὶ ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους γεγονόσι τῆς εὐδαίμονος ἄρξαι Κορίνθου τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ὑπῆρξεν ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ πολλάς, ὡς ἀκούω, γενεάς: τῷ δὲ πάππῳ σου Ταρκυνίῳ μεταθεμένῳ τὴν οἴκησιν ἐκ Τυρρηνῶν ταύτης βασιλεῦσαι τῆς πόλεως ἐξεγένετο δι᾽ ἀρετήν: οὗ σὺ κληρονομεῖν οὐ μόνον τῶν χρημάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ὀφείλεις πρεσβύτερος υἱωνὸς ὤν.
[2] And when Tarquinius bade her say what she wished, and gave her assurances, by such oaths as she herself proposed, that he would keep everything to himself, Tullia, laying aside all shame from that moment, said to him: “How long, Tarquinius, do you intend to permit yourself to be deprived of the kingship? Are you descended from mean and obscure ancestors, that you refuse to entertain high thoughts of yourself? But everyone knows that your early ancestors, who were Greeks and descended from Hercules, exercised the sovereign power in the flourishing city of Corinth for many generations, as I am informed, and that your grandfather, Tarquinius, after removing from Tyrrhenia, was able by his merits to become king of this state; and not only his possessions, but his kingdom as well, ought to descend to you who are the elder of his grandsons.
[3] ἢ σώματος οὐκ ἔτυχες ἱκανοῦ πράττειν, ὅσα βασιλεῖ προσῆκε, δι᾽ ἀσθένειάν τε καὶ ἀμορφίαν; ἀλλὰ σοί γε καὶ ῥώμη πάρεστιν, οἵα τοῖς [p. 54] κράτιστα πεφυκόσι, καὶ μορφὴ τοῦ βασιλείου γένους ἀξία. ἢ τούτων μὲν οὐδέτερον, ἡ δ᾽ ἀσθενὴς ἔτι καὶ πολὺ ἀπέχουσα τοῦ φρονεῖν τὰ προσήκοντα νεότης μεθέλκει σε, δι᾽ ἣν οὐκ ἀξιοῖς τὰ πολιτικὰ πράττειν, ὃς οὐ πολλοῖς ἀποδεῖς ἔτεσι πεντηκονταέτης εἶναι; κράτιστα δ᾽ ἄνθρωποι πεφύκασι φρονεῖν οἱ περὶ ταύτην μάλιστα γενόμενοι τὴν ἡλικίαν.
[3] Or have you been given a body incapable of performing the duties of a king because of some weakness and deformity? But surely you are endowed both with strength equal to those most highly favoured by Nature and with a presence worthy of your royal birth. Or is it neither of these, but your youth, as yet weak and far from being capable of forming sound judgments, that holds you back and causes you to decline the government of the state — you who want not many years from being fifty? Yet at about this age a man’s judgment is naturally at its best.
[4] φέρε, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τοῦ κατέχοντος τὰ πράγματα εὐγένεια καὶ ἡ πρὸς τοὺς κρατίστους τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπιτηδειότης, δι᾽ ἣν οὐκ εὐεπιχείρητός ἐστιν, ἀνέχεσθαί σε ἀναγκάζει; ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀμφότερα κακῶς ἔχοντα αὐτῷ τυγχάνει καὶ οὐδὲ αὐτὸς αὐτά γε ἀγνοεῖς. καὶ μὴν ἥ γε τόλμα καὶ τὸ φιλοκίνδυνον ἔνεστί σου τοῖς τρόποις, ὧν μάλιστα τῷ βασιλεύειν μέλλοντι δεῖ. ὑπάρχει δέ σοι καὶ πλοῦτος ἱκανὸς καὶ φίλοι πολλοὶ καὶ ἄλλαι πρὸς τὰ πράγματ᾽
[4] Well, then, is it the high birth of the man who is now in control of affai
rs and his popularity with the best citizens — which makes him difficult to attack — that forces you to submit? But in both these respects too he happens to be unfortunate, as not even he himself is unaware. Moreover, boldness and willingness to undergo danger are inherent in your character, qualities most necessary to one who is going to reign. You have sufficient wealth also, numerous friends, and many other important qualifications for public life.
[5] ἀφορμαὶ πολλαὶ καὶ μεγάλαι. τί οὖν ἔτι μέλλεις καὶ τὸν αὐτόματον ἐκδέχῃ καιρόν, ὃς ἥξει σοι φέρων τὴν βασιλείαν μηδὲν εἰς τοῦτο πραγματευσαμένῳ, μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Τυλλίου δήπου τελευτήν; ὥσπερ ἀναμενούσης τῆς τύχης τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας μελλήσεις, ἢ τῆς φύσεως ἡμῶν τὰς καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἑκάστῳ τελευτὰς φερούσης, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν ἀδήλῳ καὶ δυστεκμάρτῳ τέλει πάντων τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων κειμένων.
[5] Why, then, do you still hesitate and wait for an occasion to be provided by chance, an occasion that will come bringing to you the kingship without your having made any effort to obtain it? And that, I presume, will be after the death of Tullius! As if Fate waited on men’s delays or Nature dispensed death to each man according to his age, and the outcome of all human affairs were not, on the contrary, obscure and difficult to be foreseen!
[6] ἐρῶ δὴ μετὰ παρρησίας, [p. 55] καὶ εἴ με φήσεις θρασεῖαν, τὸ δοκοῦν αἴτιον εἶναί μοι τοῦ μηδεμιᾶς ὀρέγεσθαί σε μήτε φιλοτιμίας μήτε δόξης. γυνή σοι σύνεστι μηδὲν ἐοικυῖα τοῖς σοῖς τρόποις, ἥ σε κηλοῦσα καὶ κατᾴδουσα μαλθακὸν ἀποδέδωκε, καὶ λήσεις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς γενόμενος ἐξ ἀνδρὸς τὸ μηδέν: ὥσπερ γε κἀμοὶ ψοφοδεὴς καὶ οὐδὲν ἔχων ἀνδρὸς ἀνήρ, ὅς με ταπεινὴν ποιεῖ μεγάλων οὖσαν ἀξίαν καὶ καλὴν τὸ σῶμα, μαρανθεῖσαν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 507