[3] πίστις δ᾽ ἀκριβὴς καὶ ἀναμφίλεκτος τῆς αὐταρκείας τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἣν ἀπεδείξατο παρὰ πάντα τὸν τοῦ βίου χρόνον, ἡ μετὰ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ φανεῖσα ἀπορία. οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὰ τὰ εἰς τὴν ἐκκομιδὴν τοῦ σώματος καὶ ταφήν, ὧν ἀνδρὶ προσήκει τηλικούτῳ τυχεῖν, ἀρκοῦντα ἐν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι κατέλιπεν: ἀλλ᾽ ἐμέλλησαν αὐτὸν οἱ συγγενεῖς φαύλως πως καὶ ὡς ἕνα [p. 210] τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων ἐκκομίσαντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καίειν τε καὶ θάπτειν: ἡ μέντοι βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ὡς εἶχεν αὐτοῖς τὰ πράγματα ἀπόρως, ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων ἐψηφίσατο χρημάτων ἐπιχορηγηθῆναι τὰς εἰς τὴν ταφὴν δαπάνας, καὶ χωρίον, ἔνθα ἐκαύθη καὶ ἐτάφη, μόνῳ τῶν μέχρις ἐμοῦ γενομένων ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει σύνεγγυς τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπέδειξεν ὑπ᾽ Οὐελίας: καὶ ἔστιν ὥσπερ ἱερὸν τοῦτο τοῖς ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ γένους ἐνθάπτεσθαι ἀνειμένον, παντὸς πλούτου καὶ πάσης βασιλείας κρεῖττον ἀγαθόν, εἴ τις μὴ ταῖς ἐπονειδίστοις ἡδοναῖς μετρεῖ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ἀλλὰ τῷ καλῷ.
[3] A sure and incontestable proof of the frugality he had shown during his whole lifetime was the poverty that was revealed after his death. For in his whole estate he did not leave enough even to provide for his funeral and burial in such a manner as became a man of his dignity, but his relations were intending to carry his body out of the city in a shabby manner, and as one would that of an ordinary man, to be burned and buried. The senate, however, learning how impoverished they were, decreed that the expenses of his burial should be defrayed from the public treasury, and appointed a place in the city near the Forum, at the foot of the Velia, where his body was burned and buried, an honour paid to him alone of all the illustrious men down to my time. This place is, as it were, sacred and dedicated to his posterity as a place of burial, an advantage greater than any wealth or royalty, if one measures happiness, not by shameful pleasures, but by the standard of honour.
[4] Οὐαλέριος μὲν δὴ Ποπλικόλας οὐθὲν ἔξω τῆς εἰς τἀναγκαῖα δαπάνης κτήσασθαι προελόμενος, ὡς τῶν πολυχρημάτων τις βασιλέων λαμπραῖς ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐκοσμήθη ταφαῖς: καὶ αὐτὸν Ῥωμαίων αἱ γυναῖκες ἅπασαι συνειπάμεναι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὥσπερ Ἰούνιον Βροῦτον ἀποθέσει χρυσοῦ τε καὶ πορφύρας τὸν ἐνιαύσιον ἐπένθησαν χρόνον, ὡς ἔθος αὐταῖς ἐστι πενθεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις τῶν συγγενῶν κήδεσι.
[4] Thus Valerius Publicola, who had aimed at the acquisition of nothing more than wanted supply his necessary wants, was honoured by his country with a splendid funeral, like one of the richest kings. And all the Roman matrons with one consent, mourned for him during a whole year, as they had done for Junius Brutus, by laying aside both their gold and purple; for thus it is the custom for them to mourn after the funeral rites of their nearest relations.
[1] μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἐκεῖνον ὕπατοι καθίστανται Σπόριος Κάσσιος Οὐεκελλῖνος ἐπικαλούμενος καὶ Ὀπίτωρ Οὐεργίνιος Τρικάτος. ἐφ᾽ ὧν ὁ πρὸς Σαβίνους πόλεμος ὑπὸ θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων Σπορίου κατελύθη μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς γενομένης οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Κυριτῶν πόλεως: ἐξ ἧς ἀπέθανον μὲν ἀμφὶ τοὺς [p. 211] μυρίους καὶ τριακοσίους Σαβίνων, αἰχμάλωτοι δ᾽ ἐλήφθησαν ὀλίγον ἀποδέοντες τετρακισχιλίων.
[49.1] The next year Spurius Cassius, surnamed Vecellinus, and Opiter Verginius Tricostus were appointed consuls. In their consulship the war with the Sabines was ended by one of them, Spurius, after a hard battle fought near the city of Cures; in this battle about 10,300 Sabines were killed and nearly 4000 taken prisoners.
[2] ταύτῃ τῇ συμφορᾷ τελευταίᾳ πληγέντες οἱ Σαβῖνοι πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν ὡς τὸν ὕπατον διαλεξομένους περὶ φιλίας. ἀναβαλλομένου δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ Κασσίου, παραγενηθέντες εἰς Ῥώμην σὺν πολλῇ δεήσει μόλις εὑρίσκονται διαλλαγὰς καὶ κατάλυσιν τοῦ πολέμου, σῖτόν τε τῇ στρατιᾷ δόντες, ὅσον ἐπέταξε Κάσσιος καὶ ἀργύριόν τι τακτὸν κατ᾽ ἄνδρα καὶ γῆς πεφυτευμένης πλέθρα μύρια.
[2] Overwhelmed by this final misfortune, the Sabines sent ambassadors to the consul to treat for peace. Then, upon being referred to the senate by Cassius, they came to Rome, and after many entreaties obtained with difficulty a reconciliation and termination of the war by giving, not only as much grain to the army as Cassius ordered, but also a certain sum of money per man and ten thousand acres of land under cultivation.
[3] Σπόριος μὲν δὴ Κάσσιος θρίαμβον ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε κατήγαγεν: ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Οὐεργίνιος ἐπὶ τὴν Καμαριναίων πόλιν ἐστράτευσεν μὲν ἀφεστῶσαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαίων συμμαχίας κατὰ τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον, ἄγων τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς ἑτέρας στρατιᾶς, φράσας δ᾽ οὐδενί, ποῖ μέλλει πορεύεσθαι καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς ἀνύσας τὴν ὁδόν, ἵνα ἀπαρασκεύοις καὶ μὴ
[3] Spurius Cassius celebrated a triumph for his victory in this war; but the other consul, Verginius, led an expedition against the city of Cameria, which had withdrawn from its alliance with the Romans during this war. He took half the other army with him, telling no one whither he was marching, and covered the distance during the night, in order that he might fall upon the inhabitants while they were unprepared and unapprised of his approach; and so it fell out.
[4] προειδόσι τὴν ἔφοδον τοῖς ἔνδον ἐπιθῆται: ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη. γενόμενος γὰρ πλησίον τοῦ τείχους ἅπαντας ἔλαθεν ἄρτι τῆς ἡμέρας διαυγούσης, καὶ πρὶν ἢ καταστρατοπεδεύεσθαι κριοὺς προσέφερε καὶ κλίμακας καὶ πάσῃ πολιορκίας ἐχρῆτο ἰδέᾳ. τῶν δὲ Καμαριναίων καταπλαγέντων τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας καὶ δέχεσθαι τὸν ὕπατον ἀξιούντων, τῶν δ᾽ ἀμύνεσθαι πάσῃ δυνάμει καὶ μὴ παριέναι τοὺς πολεμίους εἴσω, ἐν ᾧ τὸ ταραττόμενόν [p. 212] τε καὶ στασιάζον αὐτῶν ἐπεκράτει, τὰς πύλας ἐκκόψας καὶ τὰ βραχύτατα τῶν ἐρυμάτων κλίμαξι καταλαβόμενος κατὰ κράτος εἰλήφει τὴν πόλιν. ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα φέρειν τε καὶ
[4] For he was already close to their walls, without having been discovered by anybody, just as day was breaking; and before encamping he brought up battering-rams and scaling ladders, a
nd made use of every device used in sieges. The Camerini were astounded at his sudden arrival and some of them thought they ought to open the gates and receive the consul, while others insisted upon defending themselves with all their power and not permitting the enemy to enter the city; and while this confusion and dissension prevailed, the consul, having broken down the gates and scaled the lowest parts of the ramparts by means of ladders, took the city by storm.
[5] ἄγειν τὰ χρήματα τοῖς σφετέροις ἐφῆκε: τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς συναχθῆναι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους εἰς ἓν χωρίον κελεύσας τοὺς μὲν βουλεύσαντας τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἅπαντας ἀπέκτεινε, τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον ὄχλον ἀπέδοτο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν κατέσκαψεν.
[5] That day and the following night he permitted his men to pillage the town; but the next day he ordered the prisoners to be brought together in one place, and having put to death all the authors of the revolt, he sold the rest of the people and razed the city.
[1] ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Νικέας Λοκρὸς ἐξ Ὀποῦντος, ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Σμύρου, παραλαμβάνουσι τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν Πόστομος Κομίνιος καὶ Τῖτος Λάρκιος: ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἀπέστησαν αἱ Λατίνων πόλεις ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαίων φιλίας, Ὀκταουΐου Μαμιλίου τοῦ κηδεύσαντος Ταρκυνίῳ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως, τοὺς μὲν ὑποσχέσεσι δώρων, τοὺς δὲ δεήσεσι πείσαντος συμπρᾶξαι τοῖς
[50.1] In the seventieth Olympiad (the one in which Niceas of Opus in Locris won the foot-race), Smyrus being archon at Athens, Postumus Cominius and Titus Larcius took over the consulship. In their year of office the cities of the Latins withdrew from the friendship of the Romans, Octavius Mamilius, the son-in-law of Tarquinius, having prevailed upon the most prominent men of every city, partly by promises of gifts and partly by entreaties, to assist in restoring the exiles.
[2] φυγάσι τὴν κάθοδον. καὶ γίνεται κοινὴ τῶν συναγομένων εἰς Φερεντῖνον ἀγορὰ πλὴν μιᾶς τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως: ταύτῃ γὰρ οὐκ ἐπήγγειλαν μόνῃ παρεῖναι, καθάπερ εἰώθεσαν: ἐν ᾗ ψῆφον ἐνεγκεῖν ἔδει τὰς πόλεις περὶ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ
[2] And a general assembly was held of all the cities that were wont to meet at Ferentinum except Rome (for this was the only city they had not notified as usual to be present), at which the cities were to give their votes concerning war, to choose generals, and to consider the other preparations.
[3] περὶ τῶν ἄλλων βουλεύσασθαι παρασκευῶν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἀπεσταλμένος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων πρεσβευτὴς Μάρκος Οὐαλέριος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς εἰς τὰς ὁμόρους πόλεις δεησόμενος αὐτῶν μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν: [p. 213] ἐλῄστευον γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῶν τινες τοὺς ὁμοτέρμονας ἀγροὺς ὑπὸ τῶν δυνατῶν ἀποστελλόμενοι καὶ πολλὰ τοὺς γεωργοὺς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔβλπτον: ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὴν κοινὴν σύνοδον ἔγνω τῶν πόλεων γιγνομένην ἐπὶ τῷ διενεγκεῖν ἁπάσας τὴν περὶ τοῦ πολέμου ψῆφον, ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὸν σύλλογον καὶ λόγον αἰτησάμενος παρὰ τῶν προέδρων ἔλεξεν, ὅτι πεμφθείη μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως πρεσβευτὴς πρὸς τὰς ἀποστελλούσας τὰ λῃστήρια πόλεις δεησόμενος αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐνόχους τοῖς ἀδικήμασιν ἐξευρούσας ἐκδοῦναι σφίσι τιμωρίας ὑφέξοντας κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ὃν ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥρισαν, ὅτε συνετίθεντο τὴν φιλίαν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀξιώσων φυλάττειν, ἵνα μηδὲν ἁμάρτημα γένηται κοινόν, ὃ διαστήσει τήν τε φιλίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν συγγένειαν.
[3] Now it happened that at this time Marcus valerius, a man of consular rank, had been sent as ambassador by the Romans to the neighbouring cities to ask them not to begin any revolt; for some of their people sent out by the men in power were plundering the neighbouring fields and doing great injury to the Roman husbandmen. This man, upon learning that the general assembly of the cities was being held so that all might give their votes concerning the war, came to the assembly; and requesting of the presidents leave to speak, he said that he had been sent as ambassador by the commonwealth to the cities that were sending out the bands of robbers, to ask of them that they would seek out the men who were guilty of these wrongs and deliver them up to be punished according to the provision which they had laid down in the treaty when they entered into their league of friendship, and also to demand that they take care for the future that no fresh offence should occur to disrupt their friendship and kinship.
[4] ὁρῶν δ᾽ ἁπάσας συνεληλυθυίας τὰς πόλεις ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων πολέμῳ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκ πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων καταλαμβανόμενος, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις μόνοις οὐ παρήγγειλαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν παρεῖναι, γεγραμμένον ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἁπάσας παρεῖναι τὰς πόλεις ταῖς κοιναῖς ἀγοραῖς, ὅσαι τοῦ Λατίνων εἰσὶ γένους, παραγγειλάντων αὐταῖς τῶν προέδρων, θαυμάζειν, τί δήποτε παθόντες ἢ τί κατηγορεῖν ἔχοντες τῆς πόλεως οἱ σύνεδροι μόνην οὐ παρέλαβον ἐκείνην ἐπὶ τὸν σύλλογον, ἣν πρώτην τε πασῶν ἔδει παρεῖναι καὶ πρώτην ἐρωτᾶσθαι γνώμην ἡγεμονίαν ἔχουσαν τοῦ ἔθνους, ἧς ἔτυχε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἑκόντων ἀντὶ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων εὐεργεσιῶν. [p. 214]
[4] But, observing that all the cities had met together in order to declare war against the Romans — a purpose which he recognized, not only from many other evidences, but particularly because the Romans were the only persons they had not notified to be present at the assembly, although it was stipulated in the treaty that all the cities of the Latin race should be represented at the general assemblies when summoned by the presidents — he said he wondered what provocation or what cause of complaint against the commonwealth had caused the deputies to omit Rome from the cities they had invited to the assembly, when she ought to have been the first of all to be represented and the first to be asked her opinion, inasmuch as she held the leadership of the nation, which she had received from them with their own consent in return for many great benefits she had conferred upon them.
[1] μετὰ τοῦτον Ἀρικηνοί τε λόγον αἰτησάμενοι κατηγόρουν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὅτι τὸν Τυρρηνικὸν πόλεμον ἐπήγαγον σφίσιν ὄντες συγγενεῖς καὶ παρέσχον ὅσον ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ἁπάσας τὰς Λατίνων πόλεις ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφαιρεθῆναι: καὶ Ταρκύνιος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνανεούμενος τὰς γενομένας αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν πόλεων συνθήκας περὶ φιλίας τε καὶ συμμαχίας, ἠξίου τὰς πόλεις ἐμπεδοῦν τοὺς ὅρκους, κ�
�τάγειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν: Καμαριναίων τε καὶ Φιδηναίων φυγάδες, οἱ μὲν τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ τὴν φυγὴν τῆς πατρίδος, οἱ δὲ τὸν ἀνδραποδισμὸν καὶ τὴν κατασκαφὴν ὀδυρόμενοι, παρεκάλουν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον.
[51.1] Following him, the Aricians, having asked leave to speak, accused the Romans of having, though kinsmen, brought upon them the Tyrrhenian war and of having caused all the Latin cities, as far as lay in their power, to be deprived of their liberty by the Tyrrhenians. And King Tarquinius, renewing the treaty of friendship and alliance that he had made with the general council of their cities, asked those cities to fulfil their oaths and restore him to the sovereignty. The exiles also from Fidenae and Cameria, the former lamenting the taking of their city and their own banishment from it, and the latter the enslaving of their countrymen and the razing of their city, exhorted them to declare war.
[2] τελευταῖος δὲ πάντων ὁ Ταρκυνίου κηδεστὴς Μαμίλιος μέγιστον ἐν τοῖς τότε χρόνοις παρὰ τοῖς Λατίνοις δυνάμενος ἀναστὰς μακρὰν κατὰ τῆς πόλεως διεξῆλθε δημηγορίαν. ἀπολογουμένου δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντα τοῦ Οὐαλερίου καὶ δοκοῦντος περιεῖναι τοῖς δικαίοις, ἐκείνην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν εἰς τὰ κατηγορήματα καὶ τὰς ἀπολογίας ἀναλώσαντες οὐδὲν ἐπέθηκαν τῇ βουλῇ τέλος: τῇ δὲ κατόπιν οὐκέτι τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων οἱ πρόεδροι προαγαγόντες ἐπὶ τὸν σύλλογον, ἀλλὰ Ταρκυνίῳ τε καὶ Μαμιλίῳ καὶ Ἀρικηνοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς βουλομένοις τῆς πόλεως κατηγορεῖν ἀποδόντες λόγον, ἐπειδὴ πάντων διήκουσαν ψηφίζονται λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, καὶ τοῖς περὶ Οὐαλέριον πρέσβεσιν ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκαν, ὅτι τὸ συγγενὲς ἐκείνων τοῖς ἀδικήμασι λελυκότων βουλεύσονται [p. 215] κατὰ σχολὴν ὅντινα τρόπον αὐτοὺς ἀμύνεσθαι χρή.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 539