Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79)

by Dionysius of Halicarnassus

  [5] And not long afterwards even the populace repented of having condemned him, when they learned of his death. For from that time he no longer entered into any intercourse with his fellow men nor was seen by anyone in any public place; and though it was his privilege by paying his fine not to be excluded from any public doings — for not a few of his friends were ready to pay the fine — he would not accept their offer, but rating his misfortune as a capital sentence and remaining at home and admitting no one, wasted away through dejection and abstinence from food, and so perished. These were the events of that year.

  [1] Ποπλίου δὲ Οὐαλερίου Ποπλικόλα καὶ Γαίου Ναυτίου παραλαβόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν ἕτερος ἀνὴρ πάλιν τῶν πατρικίων Σερούιος Σερουίλιος, ὁ τῷ παρελθόντι ὑπατεύσας ἔτει, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν ἢ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποθέσθαι χρόνον εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγῶνα ἤχθη. οἱ δὲ προθέντες αὐτῷ τὴν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ δίκην δύο τῶν δημάρχων ἦσαν, Λεύκιος Καιδίκιος καὶ Τῖτος Στάτιος, οὐκ ἀδικήματος, ἀλλὰ τύχης ἀπαιτοῦντες λόγον, ὅτι κατὰ τὴν πρὸς Τυρρηνοὺς μάχην ὠσάμενος ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων ὁ ἀνὴρ θρασύτερον μᾶλλον ἢ φρονιμώτερον, ἐδιώχθη τε ὑπὸ τῶν ἔνδον ἀθρόων ἐπεξελθόντων καὶ τὴν κρατίστην νεότητα ἀπέβαλεν.

  [28.1] When Publius Valerius Publicola and Gaius Nautius had succeeded to the consulship, another of the patricians, Servius Servilius, who had been consul the preceding year, was put on trial for his life not long after laying down his magistracy. Those who cited him to trial before the populace were Lucius Caedicius and Titus Statius, two of the tribunes, who demanded an accounting, not for any crime, but for his bad luck, inasmuch as in the battle against the Tyrrhenians he had pressed forward to the enemy’s camp with greater daring than prudence, and being pursued by the garrison, who rushed out in a body, had lost the flower of the youth.

  [2] οὗτος ὁ ἀγὼν ἁπάντων ἐφάνη τοῖς πατρικίοις ἀγώνων βαρύτατος, ἠγανάκτουν τε συνιόντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ δεινὸν ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ τὰς εὐτολμίας τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ τὸ μηδένα κίνδυνον ὀκνεῖν, ἐὰν ἐναντιωθῇ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς αὐτῶν τὸ δαιμόνιον, εἰς κατηγορίαν ἄξουσιν οἱ μὴ στάντες παρὰ τὰ δεινά: δειλίας τε καὶ ὄκνου καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι καινουργεῖν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ὑφ᾽ ὧν [p. 325] ἐλευθερία τ᾽ ἀπόλλυται καὶ ἡγεμονία καταλύεται, τοὺς τοιούτους ἀγῶνας αἰτίους ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἐλογίζοντο.

  [2] This trial was regarded by the patricians as the most grievous of all; and meeting together, they expressed their resentment and indignation if boldness on the part of generals and their refusal to shirk any danger were going to be made a ground for accusations, in case Heaven opposed their plans, on the part of those who had not faced the dangers; and they reasoned that such trials would in all probability be the cause of cowardice, shirking and the lack of any further initiative on the part of commanders — the very weaknesses through which liberty is lost and supremacy undermined.

  [3] παρακλήσει τε πολλῇ ἐχρῶντο τῶν δημοτικῶν μὴ καταγνῶναι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν δίκην, διδάσκοντες, ὡς μεγάλα βλάψουσι τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀτυχίαις τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ζημιοῦντες.

  [3] They earnestly implored the plebeians not to condemn the man, pointing out that they would do great harm to the commonwealth if they punished their generals for being unfortunate.

  [4] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνέστη χρόνος, παρελθὼν εἷς τῶν δημάρχων κατηγόρησε τοῦ ἀνδρός, Λεύκιος Καιδίκιος, ὅτι δι᾽ ἀφροσύνην τε καὶ τοῦ στρατηγεῖν ἀπειρίαν εἰς πρόδηλον ἄγων ὄλεθρον τὰς δυνάμεις ἀπώλεσε τῆς πόλεως τὴν κρατίστην ἀκμήν, καὶ εἰ μὴ ταχεῖα τοῦ κακοῦ γνῶσις ἐγένετο τῷ συνυπάτῳ, καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἄγων τὰς δυνάμεις τούς τε πολεμίους ἀνέστειλε καὶ τοὺς σφετέρους ἔσωσε, μηδὲν ἂν γενέσθαι τὸ κωλῦσον ἅπασαν ἀπολωλέναι τὴν ἑτέραν δύναμιν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἡμίσειαν ἀντὶ διπλασίας εἶναι τὴν πόλιν.

  [4] When the time for the trial was at hand, Lucius Caedicius, one of the tribunes, came forward and accused Servilius of having through his folly and inexperience in the duties of a general led his forces to manifest destruction and lost the finest manhood of the army; and he declared that if his colleague had not been informed promptly of the disaster and had not by bringing up his forces in all haste repulsed the enemy and saved their own men, nothing could have prevented the other army from being utterly destroyed and the state from being reduced henceforth to one-half its former members.

  [5] τοιαῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν μάρτυρας ἐπηγάγετο λοχαγούς τε, ὅσοι περιῆσαν, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν τινας, οἳ τὸ ἑαυτῶν αἰσχρὸν ἐπὶ τῇ τότε ἥττῃ τε καὶ φυγῇ ζητοῦντες ἀπολύσασθαι τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾐτιῶντο τῆς περὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα δυσποτμίας. ἔπειτ᾽ οἶκτον ἐπὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ τῶν τότε τεθνηκότων καταχεάμενος πολὺν καὶ τὸ δεινὸν αὐξήσας, τά τ᾽ ἄλλα, ὅσα εἰς φθόνον κοινῇ κατὰ τῶν πατρικίων λεγόμενα τοὺς μέλλοντας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς δεήσεσθαι ἀνείρξειν ἔμελλεν ἐκ πολλῆς ὑπεροψίας διελθών, παρέδωκε τὸν λόγον.

  [5] After he had thus spoken, he produced as witnesses all the centurions who had survived and some of the rank and file, who in the effort to wipe out their own disgrace arising from that defeat and flight were ready to blame the general for the ill success of the engagement. Then, having poured out many words of commiseration for the fate of those who had lost their lives upon that occasion, exaggerated the disaster, and with great contempt of the patricians dwelt at length upon everything else which by exposing their whole order to hatred was sure to discourage all who were intending to intercede for the man, he gave him an opportunity of speaking.

  [1] παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀπολογίαν ὁ Σερουίλιος εἶπεν: εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ δίκην με κεκλήκατε, ὦ πολῖται, [p. 326] καὶ λόγον ἀπαιτεῖτε τῆς στρατηγίας, ἕτοιμός εἰμι ἀπολογήσασθαι: εἰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν κατεγνωσμένην, καὶ οὐδὲν ἔσται μοι πλέον ἀποδείξαντι, ὡς οὐδὲν ὑμᾶς ἀδικῶ, λαβόντες τὸ σῶμα ὅ τι πάλαι βούλεσθε χρῆσθε.

  [29.1] Taking up his defence, Servilius said: “If it is to a trial, citizens, that you have summoned me, and you desire an accounting of my generalship, I am ready to make my defence; but if it is to a punishment all determined, and no advantage is to accrue to me for showing that I have not wronged you in any way, take my person and deal with it as you have long desired to do.

  [2] ἐμοί τε γὰρ κρεῖττον ἀκρίτῳ ἀποθανεῖν μᾶλλον, ἢ λόγου τυχόντι κ�
�ὶ μὴ πείσαντι ὑμᾶς: δόξαιμι γὰρ ἂν σὺν δίκῃ πάσχειν, ὅ τι ἄν μου καταγνῶτε, ὑμεῖς τ᾽ ἐν ἐλάττονι αἰτίᾳ ἔσεσθε ἀφελόμενοί μου τὸν λόγον καί, ἐν ᾧ καὶ εἴ τι ἀδικῶ ὑμᾶς ἄδηλόν ἐστιν, ἔτι ταῖς ὀργαῖς χαρισάμενοι. ἔσται δέ μοι ἡ διάνοια ὑμῶν ἐκ τῆς ἀκροάσεως καταφανής, θορύβῳ τε καὶ ἡσυχίᾳ εἰκάζοντι, πότερον ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν ἢ ἐπὶ δίκην κεκλήκατέ

  [2] Indeed, for me it is better to die without a trial than after getting a chance to plead my cause and then failing to convince you — since I should in that case seem to suffer deservedly whatever you determined against me — and you on your part will be less blameworthy for depriving me of the right to plead my cause and for indulging your angry passions while it is still uncertain even whether I have done you any wrong. And your intention will be evident to me by the manner in which you give me a hearing: by your clamour and by your silence I shall judge whether it is to vengeance or to judgement that you have summoned me.”

  [3] με. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐπέσχε: σιγῆς δὲ γενομένης καὶ τῶν πλείστων ἐμβοησάντων θαρρεῖν τε καὶ ὅσα βούλεται λέγειν, παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον πάλιν ἔλεξεν: ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τοι δικασταῖς ὑμῖν, ὦ πολῖται, καὶ μὴ ἐχθροῖς χρήσομαι, ῥᾳδίως πείσειν ὑμᾶς οἴομαι, ὅτι οὐδὲν ἀδικῶ. ποιήσομαι δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν λόγων, ἐξ ὧν ἅπαντες ἴστε. ἐγὼ κατέστην ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν σὺν τῷ κρατίστῳ Οὐεργινίῳ, καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον ἐπιτειχίσαντες ὑμῖν οἱ Τυρρηνοὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως λόφον πάσης ἐκράτουν τῆς ὑπαίθρου ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἐν ἐλπίδι ἦσαν τοῦ καταλύσειν ἡμῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν τάχει. λιμὸς δὲ πολὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ στάσις καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ πράττειν ἀμηχανία.

  [3] Having said this, he stopped, And when silence followed and then the majority cried out to him to be of good courage and say all that he wished, he resumed his plea and said: “Well then, citizens, if you are to be my judges and not my enemies, I believe I shall easily convince you that I am guilty of no crime. I shall begin my defence with facts with which you are all familiar. I was chosen consul together with that most excellent man, Verginius, at the time when the Tyrrhenians, having fortified against you the hill that commands the city, were masters of all the open country and entertained hopes of speedily overthrowing our empire. There was a great famine in the city, and sedition, and perplexity as to what should be done.

  [4] τοιούτοις δὴ καιροῖς ἐπιστὰς οὕτω ταραχώδεσι καὶ [p. 327] φοβεροῖς τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους ἅμα τῷ συνάρχοντι ἐνίκησα διτταῖς μάχαις καὶ ἠνάγκασα καταλιπόντας τὸ φρούριον ἀπελθεῖν: τὸν δὲ λιμὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἔπαυσα τροφῆς ἀφθόνου πληρώσας τὰς ἀγοράς, καὶ τοῖς μετ᾽ ἐμὲ ὑπάτοις τήν τε χώραν παρέδωκα ὅπλων πολεμίων ἐλευθέραν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑγιῆ πάσης νόσου πολιτικῆς, εἰς ἃς κατέβαλον αὐτὴν οἱ δημαγωγοῦντες.

  [4] Having been brought face to face with so turbulent and so formidable a crisis, I together with my colleague overcame the enemy in two engagements and obliged them to abandon the fort and leave the country, while I soon put an end to the famine by supplying the markets with abundant provisions; and I handed over to my successors not only our territory freed from hostile arms but also our city cured of every political distemper with which the demagogues had infected it. For what wrongdoing, then, am I accountable to you — unless to conquer your enemies is to wrong you?

  [5] τίνος οὖν ἀδικήματος ὑπεύθυνός εἰμι ὑμῖν; εἰ μὴ τὸ νικᾶν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐστὶν ὑμᾶς ἀδικεῖν. εἰ δ᾽ ἀποθανεῖν τισι τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατὰ τὴν μάχην εὐτυχῶς ἀγωνιζομένοις συνέπεσε, τί Σερουίλιος τὸν δῆμον ἀδικεῖ; οὐ γὰρ δὴ θεῶν τις ἐγγυητὴς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τῆς ἁπάντων ψυχῆς τῶν ἀγωνιουμένων γίνεται, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ διακειμένοις καὶ ῥητοῖς τὰς ἡγεμονίας παραλαμβάνομεν, ὥσθ᾽ ἁπάντων κρατῆσαι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ μηδένα τῶν ἰδίων ἀποβαλεῖν. τίς γὰρ ἂν ὑπομείνειεν ἄνθρωπος ὢν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ τῆς γνώμης καὶ τὰ τῆς τύχης εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀναλαβεῖν; ἀλλὰ τὰ μεγάλα ἔργα μεγάλων ἀεὶ κινδύνων ὠνούμεθα.

  [5] And if some of the soldiers happened to lose their lives in the battle while fighting successfully, in what way has Servilius wronged the people? For naturally no god offers himself as surety to generals for the lives of all who are going into battle; nor do we receive the command of armies upon stated terms and conditions, namely that we are to overcome all our enemies and lose none of our own men. For who that is a mere mortal would consent to take upon himself all the consequences both of his judgement and of his luck? No man, I say; but our great successes we always buy at the cost of great hazards.

  [1] καὶ οὐκ ἐμοὶ ταῦτα πρώτῳ πολεμίοις ὁμόσε χωρήσαντι συνέβη παθεῖν, ἅπασι δ᾽ ὡς εἰπεῖν, ὅσοι μάχας παρακεκινδυνευμένας σὺν ἐλάττοσι ταῖς σφετέραις δυνάμεσι πρὸς μείζονας τὰς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐποιήσαντο. ἐδίωξαν γὰρ ἤδη τινὲς ἐχθροὺς καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔφυγον καὶ ἀπέκτεινάν τε τῶν ἐναντίων πολλοὺς καὶ [p. 328]

  [30.1] “Moreover, I am not the first to whom it has fallen to suffer this fate when engaging the enemy, but it has happened to practically all who have risked desperate battles against enemy forces more numerous than their own. For there have been instances when generals after chasing their foes have themselves been put to flight, and while slaying many of their opponents have lost still more of their own men.

  [2] ἀπώλεσαν ἔτι πλείους τῶν σφετέρων. ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν, ὅτι πολλοὶ καὶ τὸ παράπαν ἡττηθέντες σὺν αἰσχύνῃ τε καὶ βλάβῃ μεγάλῃ ἀνέστρεψαν, ὧν οὐδεὶς τῆς τύχης δέδωκε δίκας: ἱκανὴ γὰρ ἡ συμφορά, καὶ τὸ μηδενὸς ἐπαίνου τυχεῖν, ὡς δ᾽ εἰ καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο, μεγάλη τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ χαλεπὴ ζημία. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε τοσούτου δέω λέγειν, ὃ πάντες οἱ μέτριοι δίκαιον εἶναι φήσουσιν, ὡς οὐ δεῖ με τύχης εὐθύνας ὑπέχειν, ὥστ᾽ εἰ καὶ μηδεὶς ἄλλος τοιόνδε ἀγῶνα ὑπέμεινεν εἰσελθεῖν, ἐγὼ μόνος οὐ παραιτοῦμαι, ἀλλὰ συγχωρῶ τὴν τύχην ἐξετάζεσθαι τὴν ἐμὴν οὐχ ἧττον τῆς γνώμης, ἐκεῖνο προειπών:

  [2] I shall not add that many even after meeting utter defeat have returned home with ignominy and great loss, yet not one of them has been punished for his bad luck. For the calamity itself is a sufficient punishment, and to receive no praise, as is inevitable, even without anything else, is a great and grievous penalty for a general.
Nevertheless, I for my part am so far from maintaining — what all reasonable men will allow to be just — that I do not have to render an accounting of my luck, that, even though no one else was ever willing to submit to such a trial, I alone do not decline to do so, but consent that my luck be inquired into as well as my judgement — after I have first made this one statement:

  [3] ἐγὼ τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας πράξεις τάς τε δυστυχεῖς καὶ τὰς εὐτυχεῖς οὐκ ἐκ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἔργων πολλῶν ὄντων καὶ ποικίλων ὁρῶ κρινομένας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ τέλους: καὶ ὅταν μὲν τοῦτο χωρήσῃ κατὰ νοῦν, κἂν τὰ μεταξὺ πολλὰ ὄντα μὴ καθ᾽ ἡδονὰς γένηται, οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐπαινουμένας ὑπὸ πάντων ἀκούω καὶ ζηλουμένας καὶ τῆς ἀγαθῆς νομιζομένας τύχης: ὅταν δὲ πονηρὰς λάβωσι τελευτάς, καὶ ἐὰν ἅπαντα τὰ πρὸ τοῦ τέλους ἐκ τοῦ ῥᾴστου γένηται, οὐ τῇ σπουδαίᾳ τύχῃ

  [3] I observe that men’s undertakings, both unsuccessful and successful, are judged, not by the several operations in detail, which are many and various, but by the final outcome. When this turns out according to their hopes, even though the intermediate operations, which are many, may not be to their liking, I nevertheless hear the undertakings praised and admired by all and regarded as the consequences of good luck; but when these measures lead to bad results, even though every measure before the final outcome is carried out with the greatest ease, they are ascribed, not to the good, but to the bad luck of their authors.