[2] For most people are not satisfied with learning this alone from history, that the Persian War, to take that as an example, was won by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, who in two battles at sea and one on land overcame the barbarian at the head of three million troops, though their own forces together with their allies did not exceed one hundred and ten thousand; but they wish also to learn from history of the places where those actions occurred, to hear of the causes that enabled those men to perform their wonderful and astonishing exploits, to know who were the commanders of the armies, both Greek and barbarian, and to be left ignorant of not a single incident, one may say, that happened in those engagements.
[3] ἥδεται γὰρ ἡ διάνοια παντὸς ἀνθρώπου χειραγωγουμένη διὰ τῶν λόγων ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα καὶ μὴ μόνον ἀκούουσα τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ πραττόμενα ὁρῶσα. οὐδέ γ᾽ ὅταν πολιτικὰς ἀκούσωσι πράξεις, ἀρκοῦνται τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὸ πέρας τῶν πραγμάτων μαθόντες, ὅτι συνεχώρησαν Ἀθηναῖοι Λακεδαιμονίοις τείχη τε καθελεῖν τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν καὶ ναῦς διατεμεῖν καὶ φρουρὰν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν εἰσαγαγεῖν καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίου δημοκρατίας ὀλιγαρχίαν τῶν κοινῶν ἀποδεῖξαι κυρίαν οὐδὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀγῶνα ἀράμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀξιοῦσι καὶ τίνες ἦσαν αἱ κατασχοῦσαι τὴν πόλιν ἀνάγκαι, δι᾽ ἃς ταῦτα τὰ δεινὰ καὶ σχέτλια ὑπέμεινε, καὶ τίνες οἱ πείσαντες αὐτοὺς λόγοι καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων ῥηθέντες ἀνδρῶν καὶ πάντα, ὅσα παρακολουθεῖ τοῖς πράγμασι, διδαχθῆναι.
[3] For the minds of all men take delight in being conducted through words to deeds and not only in hearing what is related but also in beholding what is done. Nor, indeed, what they hear of political events, are they satisfied with learning the bare summary and outcome of the events, as, for instance, that the Athenians agreed with the Lacedaemonians to demolish the walls of their city, to break up their fleet, to introduce a garrison into their citadel, and, instead of their traditional democratic, to set up an oligarchy to govern the state, and permitted all this without so much as fighting a battle with them; but they at once demand to be informed also of the necessity which reduced the Athenians to submit to such dire and cruel calamities, what the arguments were that persuaded them, and by what men those arguments were urged, and to be informed of all the circumstances that attended those events.
[4] τοῖς δὲ πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἐν οἷς ἔγωγε τίθεμαι καὶ τοὺς φιλοσόφους, ὅσοι μὴ λόγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργων καλῶν ἄσκησιν ἡγοῦνται τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, [p. 113] τὸ μὲν ἥδεσθαι τῇ παντελεῖ θεωρίᾳ τῶν παρακολουθούντων τοῖς πράγμασι κοινὸν ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὑπάρχει: χωρὶς δὲ τῆς ἡδονῆς περιγίγνεται τὸ περὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαίους καιροὺς μεγάλα τὰς πόλεις ἐκ τῆς τοιαύτης ἐμπειρίας ὠφελεῖν, καὶ ἄγειν αὐτὰς ἑκούσας ἐπὶ τὰ συμφέροντα διὰ τοῦ λόγου.
[4] Men who are engaged in the conduct of civil affairs, among whom I for my part include also those philosophers who regard philosophy as consisting in the practice of fine actions rather than of fine words, have this in common with the rest of mankind, that they take pleasure in a comprehensive survey of all the circumstances that accompany events. And besides their pleasure, they have this advantage, that in difficult times they render great service to their countries as the result of the experience thus acquired and lead them as willing followers to that which is to their advantage, through the power of persuasion.
[5] ῥᾷστα γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι τά τε ὠφελοῦντα καὶ βλάπτοντα καταμανθάνουσιν, ὅταν ἐπὶ παραδειγμάτων ταῦτα πολλῶν ὁρῶσι, καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς φρόνησιν μαρτυροῦσι καὶ πολλὴν σοφίαν. διὰ ταύτας δή μοι τὰς αἰτίας ἔδοξεν ἅπαντα ἀκριβῶς διελθεῖν τὰ γενόμενα περὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας,
[5] For men most easily recognize the policies which either benefit or injure them when they perceive these illustrated by many examples; and those who advise them to make use of these are credited by them with prudence and great wisdom. It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have determined to report in accurate detail all the circumstances which attended the overthrow of the oligarchy, in so far as I consider them worthy of notice.
[6] ὅσα δὴ καὶ λόγου τυχεῖν ἄξια ἡγοῦμαι. ποιήσομαι δὲ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν τελευταίων ἀρξάμενος, ἅ δοκεῖ τοῖς πολλοῖς αἴτια γενέσθαι μόνα τῆς ἐλευθερίας, λέγω δὲ τῶν περὶ τὴν παρθένον ἁμαρτηθέντων Ἀππίῳ διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα: προσθήκη γὰρ αὕτη γε καὶ τελευταία τῆς ὁργῆς τῶν δημοτῶν αἰτία μυρίων ἄλλων προηγησαμένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἤρξατο πρῶτον ἡ πόλις ὑπὸ τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ὑβρίζεσθαι. ταῦτα πρῶτον ἐρῶ καὶ διέξειμι πάσας ἐφεξῆς τὰς ἐν τῇ τότε καταστάσει γενηθείσας παρανομίας.
[6] I shall begin my account of them, however, not with the final incidents, which most people regard as the sole cause of the re-establishment of liberty, — I mention the wrongs committed by Appius with regard to the maiden because of his passion for her, — since these were merely an aggravation and a final cause for the resentment of the plebeians, following countless others, but I shall begin with the first insults the citizens suffered at the hands of the decemvirate. These I shall mention first, and then relate in order all the lawless deeds committed under that régime.
[1] πρώτη μὲν οὖν ἦν ἡ δόξασα γενέσθαι τοῦ κατὰ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας μίσους πρόφασις, ὅτι συνύφηναν [p. 114] τὴν δευτέραν ἀρχὴν τῇ προτέρᾳ δήμου τε ὑπεριδόντες καὶ βουλῆς καταφρονήσαντες: ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι τοὺς χαριεστάτους Ῥωμαίων, οἷς οὐ κατὰ γνώμην τὰ πραττόμενα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἦν, οὓς μὲν ἐξήλαυνον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αἰτίας ἐπιφέροντες ψευδεῖς καὶ δεινάς, οὓς δὲ ἀπεκτίννυσαν, κατηγόρους τε αὐτοῖς ὑποπέμποντες ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἑταίρων καὶ τὰς δίκας ταύτας αὐτοὶ δικάζοντες: μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτι τοῖς θρασυτάτοις τῶν νέων, οὓς εἶχον ἕκαστοι περὶ αὑτούς, ἐφῆκαν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν τὰ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων τῇ πολιτείᾳ.
[2.1] The first ground for the hatred against the oligarchy seems to have been this, that its members had joined their second term of office immediately to their first, thus showing alike their scorn of the people and their contempt of the senate. Another was their treatment of the most reputable Romans who were dissatisfied with their actions, some of whom, on the strength of false and heinous accusations, they were expelling from the city and others they were putting to death, suborning some of their own faction to accuse them and themselves
trying these cases. But more than anything else was the licence they gave to the most audacious of the young men by whom each of them was always attended, to plunder and pillage the goods of those who opposed their administration.
[2] οἱ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ἁλούσης πολέμῳ κατὰ κράτος τῆς πατρίδος οὐ τὰ χρήματα μόνον ἀφῃροῦντο τοὺς νόμῳ κτησαμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὰς γαμετὰς αὐτῶν τὰς εὐμόρφους παρενόμουν καὶ εἰς θυγατέρας ἐπιγάμους καθύβριζον καὶ πληγὰς τοῖς ἀγανακτοῦσιν ὥσπερ ἀνδραπόδοις ἐδίδοσαν: καὶ παρεσκεύασαν, ὅσοις ἀφόρητα εἶναι τὰ γινόμενα ἐδόκει, καταλιπόντας τὴν πατρίδα γυναιξὶν ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις εἰς τὰς πλησίον ἐξοικίζεσθαι πόλεις, ὑποδεχομένων αὐτοὺς Λατίνων μὲν διὰ τὸ % ἀσθενές, Ἑρνίκων δὲ διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος γενομένην αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἰσοπολιτείαν. ὥσθ᾽, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, τελευτῶντες αὐτοὶ κατελείφθησαν οἱ φιλοτύραννοι, καὶ οἷς μηδεμία τῶν κοινῶν φροντὶς ἦν.
[2] These youths, as if the country had been taken by force of arms, not only stripped the legal owners of their effects, but even violated their wives, when these were beautiful, abused such of their daughters as were marriageable, and when any showed resentment, they beat them like slaves. Thus they bright it about that those who found these proceedings intolerable left their country along with their wives and children and removed to the neighbouring cities, where they were received by the Latins on account of their affinity and by the Hernicans in acknowledgement of the right of citizenship lately granted to them by the Romans. Consequently, as was to be expected, there were in the end none left behind but the friends of tyranny and such as had no concern for the public good.
[3] οὔτε γὰρ οἵ γε πατρίκιοι διέμενον ἐν τῇ πόλει θωπεύειν μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, [p. 115] ἐναντιοῦσθαι δὲ τοῖς πραττομένοις ἀδυνατοῦντες, οὔθ᾽ οἱ καταγραφέντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτικὸν συνέδριον, οὓς ἐπάναγκες ἔδει παρεῖναι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων οἱ πλείους ἀνασκευασάμενοι πανοικεσίᾳ καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐρήμους ἀφέντες ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διέτριβον.
[3] For neither the patricians, who were unwilling to flatter the rulers and yet were unable to oppose their actions, remained in the city, nor did those necessary to the magistrates; but the greater part of these also had removed with their entire families and, leaving their houses empty, were now living in the country.
[4] τοῖς δὲ ὀλιγαρχικοῖς καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν αἱ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν ἐγίνοντο φυγαὶ πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων ἕνεκα, μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι τοῖς ἀκολάστοις τῶν νέων πολὺ τὸ αὔθαδες προσεγίνετο μηδ᾽ ὄψει δυναμένοις ἰδεῖν, οὓς ἔμελλον ἀσελγές τι πράττοντες αἰσχύνεσθαι.
[4] The oligarchical faction, however, was pleased with the flight of the most distinguished men, not only for many other reasons, but particularly because it greatly increased the arrogance of the licentious youth not to have before their eyes those persons whose presence would have made them blush whenever they committed any wanton act.
[1] ἐρημουμένης δὲ τοῦ κρείττονος ἔθνους τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ ἐλεύθερον ἅπαν ἀπολωλεκυίας ἀφορμὴν κρατίστην ὑπολαβόντες ἐκεῖνοι οἱ πολέμῳ κρατηθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τάς τε ὕβρεις ἃς ὑβρίσθησαν ἀποτίσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἀπολωλότα ἀναλαβεῖν, ὡς νοσούσης διὰ τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν τῆς πόλεως καὶ οὔτε συστῆναι οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι οὔτ᾽ ἀντιλαβέσθαι τῶν κοινῶν ἔτι δυνησομένης, παρασκευασάμενοι τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐλαύνουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν στρατεύμασι μεγάλοις.
[3.1] Rome being thus deserted by her best element and having lost every vestige of her liberty, the nations which had been conquered by her thought they now had the most favourable opportunity both to avenge the insults they had received and to repair the losses they had sustained, believing that the commonwealth was sick because of the oligarchy and would no longer be able either to assemble its forces or to act in concord or to take hold of the affairs of state; and accordingly they prepared everything that was necessary for war and marched against Rome with large armies.
[2] καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Σαβῖνοι ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὴν ὁμοτέρμονα καὶ πολλῆς γενόμενοι λείας ἐγκρατεῖς φόνον τε πολὺν ἐργασάμενοι τοῦ γεωργικοῦ πλήθους ἐν Ἠρήτῳ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν: διέστηκε δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ἡ πόλις αὕτη τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους πλησίον οὖσα [p. 116]
[2] At one and the same time the Sabines made a raid into that part of the Roman territory that bordered on theirs and, after possessing themselves of much booty and killing large numbers of husbandmen, encamped at Eretum (this town is situated near the river Tiber at the distance of one hundred and forty stades from Rome),
[3] Τιβέρεως ποταμοῦ. Αἰκανοὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Τυσκλάνων γῆν ἐμβαλόντες ὅμορον οὖσαν σφίσι καὶ πολλὰ δῃώσαντες αὐτῆς ἐν Ἀλγιδῷ πόλει τίθενται τὸν χάρακα. ὡς δ᾽ ἤκουσαν οἱ δέκα τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον, τεταραγμένοι συνεκάλουν τὰς ἑταιρείας, καὶ μετὰ τούτων ὅ τι χρὴ πράττειν ἐσκόπουν.
[3] and the Aequians made a raid into the territory of the Tusculans that adjoined their own, and having laid waste much of it, placed their camp at the town of Algidum. When the decemvirs were informed of the attack of their enemies, they were confounded, and assembling their organized bands, they consulted with them what measures they ought to take.
[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν ὑπερόριον ἀποστέλλειν στρατιὰν καὶ μὴ περιμένειν, ἕως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἔλθωσι τὴν πόλιν αἱ τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεις, ἅπασιν ἐδόκει: παρεῖχε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πολλὴν ἀπορίαν, πρῶτον μὲν εἰ πάντας Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα κλητέον καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθομένους τῇ πολιτείᾳ: ἔπειθ᾽ ὁποίαν τινὰ δεήσει τὴν καταγραφὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ποιήσασθαι, πότερον αὐθάδη καὶ μισοπόνηρον οἵας ἔθος ἦν ποιεῖσθαι τοῖς τε βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις, ἢ φιλάνθρωπον καὶ μέτριον.
[4] That they ought to send an army outside their borders and not wait till the enemies’ forces advanced to Rome itself was the opinion of all; but they were in great perplexity, first, whether they should call to arms all the Romans, even those who hated their administration, and second, in what sort of way they should make the levy, whether in an arbitrary and uncompromising manner, as had been the practice of both the kings and the consuls, or with indulgence and moderation.
[5] ἐδόκει τ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνο μικρᾶς εἶ
ναι ζητήσεως ἄξιον, τί τὸ κυρῶσον ἔσται τὴν περὶ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμην καὶ τὴν στρατολογίαν ψηφιούμενον, πότερα τὸ συνέδριον τῆς βουλῆς ἢ τὸ δημοτικὸν πλῆθος ἢ τούτων μὲν οὐδέτερον, ἐπεὶ δι᾽ ὑποψίας ἦν αὐτοῖς ἑκάτερον, αὐτοὶ δὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οἱ δέκα. τέλος δ᾽ οὖν πολλὰ βουλευσάμενοι τὴν βουλὴν ἔγνωσαν συγκαλεῖν καὶ ποιεῖν, ὅπως τόν τε πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἐκείνη ψηφιεῖται καὶ τὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ
[5] They thought that another point also deserved no small consideration, namely, who were to ratify their decisions regarding war and to vote the levy, whether the senate or the plebeians, or neither, since they were suspicious of both, but instead the decemvirs should confirm their own decisions. At last, after long consultation, they concluded to assemble the senate and prevail on that body to vote for war and to allow them to make the levy.
[6] καταγραφὴν ἐπιτρέψει ποιήσασθαι. εἰ γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ [p. 117] συνεδρίου κυρωθείη τούτων ἑκάτερον, πρῶτον μὲν εὐπειθεῖς ἔσεσθαι πάντας ὑπελάμβανον ἄλλως τε καὶ τῆς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας καταλελυμένης, ᾗ μόνῃ κατὰ νόμους ἐξῆν ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐπιταττομένοις: ἔπειτ᾽ αὐτοὶ εἴ τι δόξειν ὑπηρετοῦντες τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τὰ κυρωθέντα ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης πράττοντες κατὰ νόμους ἀνειληφέναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ πολέμου.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 682