Crucible of a Generation

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by J. Kenneth Brody

*

  It was a great age for radio. In Chicago, 8:00 p.m. found Eddy Cantor presenting

  singer Dinah Shore, announcer Harry Von Zell, colorful party hostess Elsa Max-

  well and glamorous French actor Jean Sablon. Also bidding for prime time were

  Fred Allen, whose gallery of comic characters included the vocal Senator Clag-

  horn and the immortal Mrs. Pansy Nusbaum (you were expecting maybe Mrs.

  Harrison Williams?). With Allen were his wife, Portland Hoffa, singer Kenny

  Baker, intriguing French actress Simone Simon and monologist Joe Phipps. In

  addition to keeping Americans entertained, radio kept them informed of break-

  ing news, with news broadcasts on the quarter hour on most stations.

  Diversions: The World of Sport

  December was the off-season for baseball but action was hot and heavy, as

  always, in the Hot Stove League, named for time-honored gatherings around the

  pot-bellied stove of the general store. There dedicated fans learnedly discussed

  statistics from baseball’s rich trove of records and fiercely debated preferences and

  dislikes for teams and for players, most notably in the Major Leagues.

  It was, therefore, sensational news that twenty-six-year-old Mel Ott had been

  named manager of the New York Giants in succession to Bill Terry. Ott, a Hall

  of Famer, had been from 1934 an All-Star. The first National Leaguer to hit 500

  home runs, he carried a career batting average of .304. He had been personally

  selected and tutored by baseball immortal John McGraw, who had first seen him

  as a sixteen-year-old and had sagely advised him never to change his unorthodox

  batting stance. There were concerns about Ott’s mild manner, so different from

  the fiery McGraw’s. Indeed, it was of Ott that the Dodgers’ then-manager Leo

  Durocher pronounced his celebrated bon mot : “Nice guys finish last.”

  Ott would fulfill McGraw’s prediction that he would never leave the Giants,

  spending his entire twenty-year career there as player and manager. Part of the

  sensation of Ott’s appointment was his salary, raised precipitously from $18,000

  to $25,000 a year. It was a salary that recalled Babe Ruth’s celebrated response to

  the comment that his $80,000 contract in 1931 was more than the salary of the

  President of the United States: “I had a better year than he did,” he replied. 27

  The Social Spectrum: Pretty Daughters

  In The Atlanta Constitution Sally Forth reported that the diminutive figure on the dance f loor surrounded by the stag line at some debutante affair would be Mimi

  Pappenheimer. She was, the report allowed, the personification of cuteness.

  “Scarcely five feet in height, laughing blue eyes fringed with dark lashes, her

  brown hair arranged in a striking fashion or after a mode strictly her own—that’s

  Wednesday, December 3, 1941 87

  Mimi.” The newspaper reported in detail her “quaint costumes” featuring off-

  the-shoulder necklines and voluminous skirts for formal wear. She was, the

  reader was informed, sophisticated, and always at the height of fashion, indeed

  looking like a page out of Vogue . It would surely raise the self-esteem of Atlantans of a certain class to know that their Mimi was unquestionably Vogue- worthy.

  She was to make her formal bow at a luncheon given by her mother on Friday,

  December 12, in the family home. Father Jack Pappenheimer was very much a part

  of these celebrations. He planned to host a cocktail party on Saturday at the Pied-

  mont Driving Club, and had invited 100 guests “to meet his pretty daughter.” 28

  *

  Pleased as they may have been with the chic of their friends and familiars, pro-

  vincials looked to New York as the undisputed capital of fashion. At Henri

  Bendel’s showing, slim-skirted day dresses contrasted with evening wear in

  voluminous folds of nets and taffeta. Splashy prints were chic: white angels dis-

  ported themselves on the gray background of one evening dress while another

  white gown showed black figures performing calisthenics. If Jay Thorpe offered

  vivid colors—Tropic Red, Palm Green, Gulfstream Blue, Bimini Blue, and Flor-

  ida Orange—he also presented contrasting black slacks, shorts, and bathing suits.

  In a conservative era, a black bathing suit featured a “rippling ballerina skirt.”

  There was also a ski toga. And one wishes to have seen the costume inspired

  by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police featuring a red jacket, a Sam Browne belt

  and a red woolen coat with navy facings and lining. All frames of reference were

  shattered when this striking costume was followed by an equally eye-catching

  after-ski costume. It consisted of a red velvet arrangement of harem pajamas with

  a wide embroidered belt and cuffs or alternatively a costume with one pajama leg

  blue and the other red velvet, with a black bodice and a wide sash “for the cocktail

  dinner hour.” One questions the amount of time the wearers of these costumes

  spent on the slopes and the degree of skill they displayed there. 29

  The Social Spectrum: Patriotism Interwoven

  Houston’s social traditions were the equal of Atlanta’s. Miss Ruth Pilkenton was

  married to Walter Scott Red at the First Presbyterian Church. Dr. Charles L.

  King read the marriage service. The organist played as a prelude “Ave Maria”

  from Otello by Verdi, “Claire de Lune” by Debussy and “My Heart at Thy Sweet

  Voice” by Saint-Saëns. Swelling to a crescendo, the choir of the First Presbyte-

  rian Church sang “Oh Perfect Love” and brought the music to a climax with the

  singing of “The Bridal Chorus” from Lohengrin .

  But on the same day, tradition and patriotism were interwoven. At the Junior

  League luncheon given by Mrs. T. M. Noorsworthy and her daughter, Mrs. M.

  Kirk Harrison, to honor Miss Martha Burton on her approaching marriage to

  John Bute II, the table was done in a Victory motif with a centerpiece of del-

  phinium, white roses, and red carnations arranged in a pyramid effect in a Spode

  container on a pedestal. The bride-to-be wore a Victory pin.

  88 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  Notes

  1.

  Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 1

  2.

  New York Times , December 3, 1941, 4

  3.

  Washington Post , December 3, 1941, 1

  4.

  New York Times , December 3, 1941, 24

  5.

  New York Times , December 3, 1941, 5

  6.

  Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 5

  7.

  Houston Chronicle , December 3, 1941, 6A

  8.

  Chicago Tribune , December 3, 1941, 13

  9.

  New York Times , December 3, 1941, 3

  10. New York Times , December 3, 1941, 33

  11. New York Times , December 3, 1941, 24

  12. Houston Chronicle , December 3, 1941, 2

  13. Oregonian , December 3, 1941, 16

  14. New York Times , December 3, 1941, 46

  15. Washington Post , December 3, 1941, 8

  16. Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 6A

  17. Denver Post , December 3, 1941, back page

  18. Houston Chronicle , December 3, 1941, A5

  19. Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 4

  20. Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 9

  21. Atlanta Constitution , December 3,
1941, 41

  22. Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 24

  23. Houston Chronicle , December 3, 1941, 2B

  24. Denver Post , December 3, 1941, 31

  25. Denver Post , December 3, 1941, 10

  26. Washington Post , December 3, 1941, 33

  27. New York Times , December 3, 1941, 34

  28. Atlanta Constitution , December 3, 1941, 14

  29. New York Times , December 3, 1941, 30

  8

  THURSDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1941

  FIGURE 8.1 See color plate section.

  Poster by Ben Shahn. Courtesy of Northwestern University Library World War II poster collection, Pr32.4812:A-25.

  A World in Flames: The Fighting Fronts

  In North Africa, rain and cold complicated operations but the Royal Air Force

  remained active. Meantime, rebellion and repression were raging across the

  European continent. There were shootings and bombings in Paris. In Brussels,

  90 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  students mounted a strike against Nazi-appointed professors. The Germans

  launched a major offensive against irregular forces in Yugoslavia.

  The principal theater of operations in Europe remained the Eastern Front. On

  its southern reaches, the rout of German forces from Rostov continued with the

  Russians sweeping through Taganrog toward Mariupol. The Germans were com-

  pelled to throw in reinforcements from their Perekop garrisons to stem fleeing

  units of the defeated armies of Col. Gen. Paul Ludwig von Kleist. In scenes that

  would be repeated as Mussolini’s Russian venture collapsed again and again, the

  Russians reported the capture of two Italian divisions that were seeking in vain to

  stem the Russian offensive. At the same time, the Soviets launched major attacks

  along the entire front. The pivot of this gigantic struggle was in the front before

  Moscow, where the German command acknowledged heavy Russian counterat-

  tacks. From Leningrad in the north to Rostov and the Caucasus in the south, the

  military scene was one that observers would scarcely have forecast on June 22, the

  day Hitler had launched his massive attack on the Soviet Union. 1

  *

  Another critical battle was being fought every hour of every day across the often

  turbulent surface of the Atlantic. Britain could survive, but only with an unim-

  peded f low from the United States of the machines and munitions of war and the

  necessities of its population. In later years, Churchill remarked that throughout

  the war his greatest concern had been the war in the Atlantic, where defeat could

  fatally disable Britain’s war effort. The reality of this threat was exemplified by

  the battle of October 30–31 when the U.S. destroyer Reuben James , on convoy

  duty, was attacked by a U-boat and suffered the loss of 100 of its crew in a three-

  hour battle that it survived. 2

  There had been German reports of the sinking of four merchantmen in a

  November North Atlantic convoy; and Canadian reports indicated the presence of

  U-boats off the coasts of Nova Scotia and the Labrador. Thus it was with “unmis-

  takable satisfaction” that Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox, at a weekly press

  conference, dropped a broad hint that the U.S. and the Royal Navies had found

  an answer to the submarine menace. The Secretary was coy; he had no details but

  told the assembled reporters that a reading of their own newspaper files would tell

  a good story. What the files revealed was that neither Britain nor the United States

  had reported the loss of a merchant ship since the Reuben James ’s October 30–31

  battle. The conclusion could be drawn either that the U-boats were becoming less

  effective or that antisubmarine efforts were becoming more effective. In the USS

  Kearney ’s U-boat battle on the night of October 21–22, it had sustained torpedo

  damage and limped into an Iceland port with ten dead and eleven wounded. But

  news of the engagement was released only on December 3, indicating reticence

  in such disclosures. 3 As the long subsequent course of the battle of Atlantic was to demonstrate, any feelings of “unmistakable satisfaction” were totally premature.

  *

  The Atlantic battles emphasized the extent to which the United States was becom-

  ing both the arsenal and the depot of Britain and consequently the extent to

  Thursday, December 4, 1941 91

  which the two economies were coordinating. The German response was logical.

  Germany was also to coordinate production of factories in France, Bohemia, Bel-

  gium, and elsewhere, all at the service of its economic and war machine. Germany

  was recruiting French workers for service in German industries, thus reducing

  unemployment in France, where in addition, some 1,800,000 French were prison-

  ers of war. A unified European economy had long been discussed, debated, and

  dreamt of. The pressures of war seemed fitfully to advance its cause. 4

  The Threat of War: Continuing Conversations

  While awaiting a response to the President’s inquiry concerning the reinforce-

  ment of Japanese troops in French Indo-China, Secretary of State Hull held a

  press conference to report on continuing conversations with the Japanese envoys.

  Participants came away from the conference with a distinct impression: the gap

  between the positions of the two countries was so wide that it left no room for

  further negotiations. That indeed was what the Secretary said: since he did not

  know if or when Japan would reply to the President’s request, or to his own

  FIGURE 8.2 Cordell Hull, Henry Morgenthau, Eleanor Roosevelt, and Franklin D.

  Roosevelt.

  Photo by Harris & Ewing. Courtesy of Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, LC-DIG-hec-47149.

  92 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  statement, he could not predict further negotiations. Mr. Hull had diplomatically

  referred to the Japanese envoys as friends and the President had in his own press

  conference called Japan a “friendly power” and moreover one “with which the

  United States was at peace.”

  But these words could not disguise the basis of American policy and its direct

  contrast, not to say conflict, with Japanese values and positions. Mr. Hull said that

  Japan’s policies were based upon force in stark contrast to American policy based

  upon “law, justice and morals,” pursued by peaceful means. These were policies

  unlikely to evoke a positive Japanese response. Mr. Hull reviewed the long course

  of exploratory discussions in Tokyo between Admiral Nomura and American

  embassy staff, and discussions in Washington between the President and the Japa-

  nese Ambassador, all searching for a basis for negotiation. Mr. Hull had kept other

  nations, Great Britain, Australia, the Netherlands, and China, informed of these

  discussions so that if an accord were reached, it could cover a peaceful settlement

  across the continents, islands, seas, and populations of the Pacific. 5

  *

  The Washington Post portrayed a very different Secretary of State from the one who spoke of friends and friendship and exhaled pieties about the virtues of American principles. In its report, Hull charged Japan with a policy of conquest and

  military despotism, concluding that nothing in seven months of negotiations had

  narrowed the divide between Japanese and American positions. Th
is narration

  charged that Japanese policy was based upon the use of force, as an instrument of

  policy, and in every way—political, economic, social, and moral—both at home

  and in the conquered territories. The Secretary of State might have been charged

  with a certain naiveté in so lately discovering the relationship between force and

  policy. He noted that a policy of force meant the conquest of the territories of

  others and the establishment of military despotism and control over the lives of

  conquered people. It was at this point that the Secretary claimed for his country

  a basic doctrine of justice and equality in the treatment of nations, in commercial

  relationships, and in the peaceful settlement of disputes.

  In the end the conclusion reported in The Washington Post coincided with The New York Times report: the gulf between the two nations had never been wider and had never reached a stage at which fruitful negotiations could begin. 6

  *

  The Japanese press did not respond favorably to the pieties of the Secretary of State.

  Quite to the contrary, The Japan Times Advertiser , a Foreign Office organ, categorized the behavior of Britain and the United States as “scandalous” and “beyond understanding.” Rather than responding to charges of Japanese presence in Thailand, it

  predicted that that unhappy country would soon be occupied by Allied troops.

  Hochi charged that the whole Far Eastern crisis was a manufactured product

  of British propaganda, meant to justify military action while the United States

  played for time with its Washington conversations. These were mirror images of

  the parties and their positions. But without regard to the alleged massing of the

  forces of the ABCD powers in the Far East, and irrespective of the Washington

  Thursday, December 4, 1941 93

  conversations, Hochi lauded Japan’s progress on her “immutable policy” of organizing a self-sufficient Co-Prosperity Sphere including Japan, Manchukuo, and

  China in response to the imperative need for Japanese self-sufficiency.

  Finance Minister Tsuneji Taniguchi saw Japan’s policy not as aggression but as

  defense. A highly organized national defense was to him the basic condition of a

  Japanese policy grounded on a self-sufficient supply of essential commodities in a

  joint economic structure of Japan, Manchukuo, and China.

  Nichi Nichi was more open and less inclined to rely upon platitudes.

 

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