Crucible of a Generation

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by J. Kenneth Brody


  We frankly admit that we are determined to become the leading factor, a

  stabilizing factor, in East Asia. We tried to realize our ambition without

  the use of force. We have not hesitated in taking recourse to arms wherever

  our right to grow and prosper was obstructed or our national existence

  endangered. We are proud of our defensive wars in the East. We shall

  proudly rise on similar occasions in the future. If America does not want us

  to use force, she must side with us in the removal of the causes that make

  it necessary to utilize force.

  It added that if the existence of Western colonies in the Far East was a license to

  meddle in Japan’s affairs, then the Western powers ought to lose those colonies. 7

  These bellicose statements notwithstanding, Saigon radio announced that

  Tokyo had pledged not to send additional troops into French Indo-China and to

  refrain from using Indo-China bases for attacks on Thailand or the Burma Road.

  Indeed, the Japanese Embassy spokesman in Bangkok said that Japanese troops

  in Indo-China were no threat to Thailand. Japan, he said, did not want war: any

  outbreak of war depended upon Washington. 8

  *

  If diplomacy was at a standstill, other developments gave hope of a better

  outcome. The arrival of the British battle f leet in Hong Kong was thought by

  many to have raised the odds against war. These observers thought that a Japa-

  nese victory in South Asia might have been easy a year ago; today, however,

  Japan was faced with a desperate effort in which the chances of success were

  remote. The change in the balance of naval power, it was thought, might force

  Japan to abandon its more aggressive plans and return to the negotiating table. 9

  Deeply lodged in the American psyche and coloring perceptions of America’s

  role in the world crisis was a certain sense of disillusion, and of having been badly

  used in its participation during 1917–18 in the World War. The always colorful

  New York Mayor Fiorello La Guardia spoke at the opening of a defense housing

  project adjoining the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He contrasted it to the adobe hut with

  a tent kitchen in which he had lived while his father served in the U.S. Army in

  Arizona. He expressed regrets common at the time:

  We were fooled once. We believed we had fought a war against war and

  would never again be called into a defense program for the protection of

  our rights as well as our shores. 10

  94 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  But facts were facts and American policy was creating enormous pressures

  in what The New York Times did not hesitate to call the siege of Japan. It noted that Japan proper supported seventy-eight million people in an area smaller than

  California and was surely far poorer in natural resources. Japan could scarcely

  sustain herself in foodstuffs and had to rely on other nations for the materials

  of war: petroleum, iron, steel, aluminum, lead, zinc, tin, machine tools, wood,

  and cotton. These were the stuff of what The Times labeled “a rigid economic

  blockade.” Conversely, American imports were down sharply, and the production

  of Japanese textile factories, a leading Japanese industry, had been slashed by 50

  percent. Then there were the financial pressures created by a vast military expen-

  diture inevitably leading to inflation. 11 It was little wonder that while Japanese workmen were removing ferrous ornaments, fences, railings, and light posts for

  scrap metal, the Japanese press was charging the United States with a policy of

  encirclement aided and abetted by an alleged agreement with Australia for the

  use of strategic bases. 12

  America’s Role: Stern Editorial Realism

  Arthur Krock in The New York Times thought that the pessimism of the U.S.

  negotiators was not a ploy but represented reality. He reported a conversation

  with an unnamed policy maker who expected nothing good in Japan’s response

  to Secretary Hull’s statement. He added that it was conceivable that the Japanese

  would move aggressively at any moment. In what direction? The answer: to the

  south and to the west, through Indo-China and Thailand and possibly to the

  Netherlands Indies and Burma. And, the informant opined, Japan had ample

  troops to carry out such adventures.

  But what would inspire such desperate acts, Krock asked. To which his infor-

  mant replied that Japan had followed the policy of force and aggression so

  long and so successfully, it had become ingrained in Japanese thought and out-

  look: German pressure and bribery were additional incitements to this kind of

  action. 13

  Walter Lippmann, writing in The Washington Post , concurred that the country

  was indeed on the verge of “actual all-out war.” But it was not the threat of the

  war that the isolationists had so insistently raised. The isolationists had fought

  for an arms embargo. They had fought against Lend-Lease, the transfer of U.S.

  destroyers to Britain, the occupation of Iceland and North Atlantic antisubmarine

  patrols. None of these issues played any part in the confrontation with Japan. The

  isolationists had fought against American embroilment in the European conflict;

  at the same time they had missed completely the real threat of war in the Pacific.

  Lippmann indignantly denied that there was any truth in conspiracy theories

  that the President had been maneuvering to engage the country in the war in

  Europe. To the contrary, Lippmann concluded:

  He [the President] has proved himself to be, whatever may be his other

  failings, a cool and far-sighted judge of the strategy of the war and every

  Thursday, December 4, 1941 95

  important move he has made has been in preparation—not for the imagi-

  nary war which the isolationists said was the duplicate 1917 but for this

  very real war which is now so nearly upon us.

  He has, it is true, often been indirect in his explanations and he has not

  stated openly and explicitly to the nation the whole problem, as he saw it,

  and his own intentions. That is regrettable, and the effect has been to cause

  much confusion. 14

  To Lippmann, the President had been negotiating patiently, searching for a way

  to avoid war, faced by an opposition both reckless and not so much uninformed

  as misinformed. 15

  The Post ’s editorial page seconded Lippmann’s apprehensions. It surveyed the

  range of possible theaters of Japanese aggression and called for the thoroughgo-

  ing integration of defense plans by the Allied powers: the best chance for peace in

  the Pacific was to make it unmistakably clear to Japan that any further aggression

  would be met by a united defense. It further speculated that the Soviet Union

  would join in when its defense against the German invasion permitted. 16

  The Atlanta Constitution thoroughly approved of the President’s policy. He had

  asked a simple question—about Japanese troops in Thailand—and asked for a

  simple answer. This was the frank, honest, and open way; better than that, it was

  the American way, and it did not hesitate to say that the American way was the

  best way. To its editorialists the President’s question put Japan on the spot; she had

  either to explain what she was about or deliberately lose any chance of
continued

  peace with the United States and Great Britain. According to one observer, special

  envoy Kurusu had brought a unique quality of politeness to the negotiations. But

  to The Constitution , the time for politeness had passed and the future demanded stern realism. 17

  *

  Newspaper reports and editorial opinions were a study in challenge and response.

  In front-page news, the Houston Chronicle reported Foreign Minister Togo’s statement that the Pacific crisis had become graver because the United States and

  Britain refused to understand the Japanese position. East Asia, Togo said, had

  sparked an unprecedented crisis. Great Britain, the United States and other coun-

  tries simply refused to understand Japanese ideals and were hampering Japanese

  attempts to create a new order in East Asia, and indeed permanent peace and

  prosperity for all. 18

  The Chronicle addressed the issue with Texan bluntness and panache under

  the editorial headline “ ANSWER THIS ONE, MR. TOJO .” The negotiations, it

  thought, must soon end. It had been a profitless discussion heading nowhere. The

  President and the Secretary of State had asked a simple question but one difficult

  to answer.

  The nation, it confidently asserted, was “fed up on Japan’s double dealing.”

  Japan had stretched American patience to the limit just as Japanese ingenuity

  would be stretched to the limit to show any reason for further negotiations. 19

  96 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  America’s Role: On the Domestic Scene

  Labor had gained new rights and new standing under the New Deal, not with-

  out a good deal of turbulence exemplified by the sit-down strikes of the thirties.

  Labor’s claims and the urgencies of the defense program were bound to collide.

  It was especially strikes in the defense industries that had aroused congressional

  concern. By a vote of 252 to 136, the House of Representatives passed an Anti-

  Strike Bill, overriding the Administration’s request for less rigid legislation. Its

  proponents denied that the legislation was antilabor or a threat to labor’s gains

  under the New Deal. 20

  *

  In contrast to the buildup of the defense industries was the release of draftees who

  had served their year and were eligible for an honorable discharge. In the 30th

  Division 1,719 men were slated for discharge on December 10, with another

  1,746 scheduled for release on March 1. The net result of discharges and transfers

  brought the strength of the 30th Division down to only 9,000, a sharp decline

  from 17,000 soldiers serving in the early fall. 21 Perhaps these numbers reflected the circumstances that had moved Selective Service to “tighten up” on its clas-sification and calls to duty. Draft boards were instructed to reexamine registrants

  classified 1-B who had been deferred for minor physical defects. The boards were

  also asked to reconsider some 19,000 single men deferred on the grounds of

  dependents. Another straw in the wind: the possibility of accepting some illiter-

  ates, hitherto ruled out.

  Parallel with the reconsideration of class 1-B was a rehabilitation plan: men

  with remedial physical defects could be treated by doctors and dentists at the

  expense of the government. This would make available many thousands of regis-

  trants who had previously been disqualified.

  An analysis of registrants by race illuminates many aspects of the situation

  of black Americans. Of white men, 20 percent were disqualified after having

  been approved by their local board doctor; the comparable figure for blacks

  was 28 percent. There was little to be proud of in these statistics. Colonel H.

  Cliff Hatcher, Assistant State Director of Selective Service, called the number

  of twenty-one-year-olds unfit for service “appalling.” He attributed it to “fast

  living. ” 22

  In a more global perspective, it was announced that only 200,000 draftees were

  likely to be called up in the next seven months. The Army now had 1,600,000

  men with plans for an army of 1,800,000 by the following June 30. Meanwhile

  the Army was planning equipment for a force of 3,200,000. Columnist Paul Mel-

  lon speculated that the Army would not bring in more than 2,000,000 soldiers

  “unless all-out war starts. ” 23

  There were those who viewed the situation more urgently and did not wait to

  be called. Sixteen thousand Americans were engaged in the war as members of

  the Canadian forces. 24

  *

  Thursday, December 4, 1941 97

  One young woman’s sense of urgency matched that of Canada’s American vol-

  unteers. But she expressed it in an entirely different way. Velma Atwood was a

  twenty-three-year-old carhop at a drive-in restaurant. Unable to bear the thought

  of being separated from her boyfriend, she took a Frontier-model revolver and

  shot herself in the heart. At the hospital her condition was reported as serious.

  Responding to police questioning she said she feared her boyfriend, Claude Ray-

  mond Howell, age twenty-six, an escort motorcyclist for a mortuary, was about

  to be drafted. In a stark case of cognitive dissonance, she said she could not bear

  the thought of being separated from him. 25

  America’s Role: A House Divided

  Into the debate about America’s place in a world at war the Chicago Tribune

  dropped a bombshell. It charged that the administration was preparing plans for

  an army of ten million and an American Expeditionary Force of five million.

  It based its charge on a September 1941 report by the Army and Navy Joint

  Board, the high command of American forces, prepared pursuant to the Presi-

  dent’s July 9, 1941, request to Secretary of War Stimson and Secretary of the

  Navy Knox to establish the economic requirements “to defeat our potential

  enemies.” Who were the potential enemies? The report named Germany, Italy,

  and occupied countries cooperating with Germany, Vichy France, Japan, Man-

  chukuo, and possibly Spain and Portugal. The report envisioned the continua-

  tion of hostilities against this combination of enemies even if Britain and Russia

  were completely defeated. It saw Russia as militarily impotent by July 1942. The

  report projected the initial cost of such a program at $40 billion, rising to $120

  billion by July 1942.

  At the same time, the Tribune reported on a White House conference of August 18, 1941, at which the President told congressional leaders about “secret confabulations

  at sea,” with Prime Minister Churchill calling for a land invasion of the European

  continent as the only feasible method of defeating Germany. Such an invasion, it said,

  could only be carried out with the aid of “a vast American expeditionary force.”

  The Tribune ’s hero was Colonel Charles A. Lindbergh, transatlantic aviation

  pioneer and isolationist icon. He had, it explained, been stigmatized as a defeatist,

  an appeaser and a Nazi sympathizer. It now insisted that the Joint Board report

  vindicated Lindbergh and adopted his thesis that England and the powers now

  fighting Germany could not defeat it. Nor were there sufficient bases in England

  for a successful bombing campaign against Germany. 26

  But the immediate problem facing a country on the verge of war in the Pacific

  wa
s how the Joint Board envisioned an American response to the Japanese threat.

  The Board foresaw a strong defense of Siberia with such Russian assistance as

  might be available; a strong defense of Malaysia, an effective economic blockade,

  air raids over Japan, and a Chinese offensive against the forces of the Japanese

  occupation. 27

  These reports inspired incredulity. Senator Alben Barkley of Kentucky rose

  on the Senate floor to denounce the Tribune ’s story as “a deliberate falsehood.”

  98 Last Week at Peace: December 1–6, 1941

  Presidential secretary Steven T. Early indicated that there would undoubtedly be a

  federal investigation of how the Tribune and other newspapers were able to come by copies of the Joint Board report. It was significant that Early neither confirmed

  nor denied the story as reported in the Tribune . He only said that he had not yet talked to the President about it. 28

  Early elucidated two aspects of the Tribune ’s report. He reminded his listeners that the United States operated on the basis of a free press, adding that it was the

  duty of the armed forces at all times to prepare plans for all eventualities. This was

  not to say that any single plan had been adopted much less put into operation.

  The Tribune embellished its charges with a powerful front-page graphic show-

  ing a group of helmeted patriots, chins upthrust, representing Chicago and the

  states of the Midwest firmly repelling a cloud of “War Propaganda” emitting from

  the Capitol dome. 29

  Beneath the graphic was a boxed quotation of words spoken by the President

  at Warm Springs, Georgia, on April 20, 1940:

  The Republicans are seeking to frighten the country by telling the people

  the present administration is trying to put this nation into war or that it is

  inevitably drifting into war.

  You know better than that. 30

  The

  Tribune was consistent in its isolationist position. On the same day it

  released its war plans story it reported that the America First Committee, the pri-

  mary isolationist organization, would campaign extensively in support of all rep-

  resentatives and senators who had voted against war measures, irrespective of their

  political affiliations. The list of scheduled speakers was headed, no surprise, by

  Colonel Lindbergh and included Senator Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota; Sena-

 

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