Fraudsters and Charlatans

by Linda Stratmann

  The case came to trial in September, but it was felt that there were insufficient grounds for the charge, and both were acquitted. In all probability, the persistent Frederick Pipe, having failed to secure the conviction of the woman he thought had murdered his friend, now began to pursue Angelina for payment of his debts. What followed was not perhaps entirely inexplicable: Angelina Pow was young, attractive and wealthy; in January 1839 she and Frederick Pipe were married.

  A year later, Frederick Pipe met de Bourbel though his connection with some of the gambling houses at the Quadrant, and introduced him to Edward Gullan, an engraver of Windmill Street, Haymarket. Having engaged Gullan to make the copper plate from which to print the forgeries, de Bourbel became concerned that if Gullan were presented with a complete letter of credit as the basis for his task he might suspect that he was being asked to participate in a serious crime. To conceal the nature of the document he cut it into a number of slips – Gullan later estimated there were twelve to eighteen – which were handed to him individually over a period of two months. Gullan never saw more than one slip at a time, and the pieces, apart from the one he was working on, were always kept locked up at de Bourbel’s apartments. It was a curious way of proceeding and Gullan, who later claimed that he had never seen a letter of credit, did become suspicious, especially as he was advised by de Bourbel to do his work without asking any questions. He was well paid, however, and probably took the view that he would be able to plead ignorance if necessary. Initially, Gullan worked at his own premises, but de Bourbel became unhappy about other visitors to the shop seeing what was being done and insisted that Gullan come to his apartments and complete the work there. The stamp with the initials of Glyn and Co. was an easier proposition, and de Bourbel employed a man called Palmer to produce one. It was Frederick Pipe who approached Morbey and Co., the manufacturers of the paper on which the Glyn and Co. letters were printed, to obtain a supply.

  The printing was carried out by a friend of Edward Gullan who was sufficiently impoverished not to ask any questions. Thomas Perry, also known as Ireland, was 30 and lived with his wife, Anne, and four children at 5 Upper Rupert Street, Haymarket. His business was run from 88 Oxford Street. In February he printed over 200 of the letters of credit, some of the work being carried out at Pipe’s house in Lisson Grove and some at the Quadrant. The copies were then transmitted to Graham in Florence, who was delighted with them, and used his tracing machine to add Mr Hallifax’s signature.

  While all this was happening de Bourbel was assembling a gang of agents, since he had no intention of presenting any of the forged documents himself. The agents included D’Arjuzon, who would travel under the name of Castel, and his mistress, Marie Rosalie Desjardins, who obtained a passport as the Countess de Vandec. Frederick Pipe travelled as Dr Coulson, which was thought to be the name of a former employer, and Angelina adopted the name of Lenoi. Alexander Graham took the name of Robert Nicholson, the man whose letter of credit Bogle had borrowed. Although Alexander had been assigned an important role in the operation, his debaucheries soon caught up with him and he was ultimately too ill to take much part.

  Little is known about Charles Gerard de Pindray (sometimes spelt Praindry), another member of the gang. He claimed to be a count, but his title does not appear in the dictionary of French noble houses; he may have been an adventurer who travelled under assumed titles looking for ways of making money without the tedious necessity of work. Thomas Perry the engraver was also admitted to the gang, although he spoke no French and it was decided he should travel with Angelina Pipe. These agents were to receive 20 per cent of any sums they obtained from the banks. Quite what Graham and Bogle were to get was never discovered, but Perry overheard Graham tell Bogle that he would earn his share very easily as he had so little to do.

  De Bourbel planned that the operation would commence on 21 April, simultaneously in Belgium, the Rhinelands and Italy. At the end of March he, Perry and Mrs Pipe travelled to Calais, arriving on 28 March, and from there went to Ostend, which they reached the following day, taking rooms in the Hotel d’Allemagne. There they met up with D’Arjuzon and his mistress, who were travelling together with a little girl, and Frederick Pipe. On 1 April this party, apart from de Bourbel and Pipe, travelled in a splendid carriage with two servants to Aix-la-Chapelle, where Alexander Graham was waiting for them. The travellers took rooms at the Hotel Bellevue and remained there, living in style, until 19 April. D’Arjuzon took the opportunity of further lining his pockets by visiting a jeweller and taking away a pair of diamond earrings, saying he would show them to an Italian princess who would pay 3,600 francs for them. He did not return.

  On their way to Italy de Bourbel and Pipe stopped at Nice, where by prior arrangement they met Graham on 14 April. De Bourbel was concerned that by associating with villains he was in danger of being robbed by his own agents, and had attempted to reduce the chances of this happening by putting men he trusted in charge of those sections of the operation he could not personally supervise. Graham was to accompany Frederick Pipe as one of the supervisors and D’Arjuzon would travel with Perry as another, but it was not possible to control the whole gang, and great anxiety remained about subsidiary agents who were acting alone. De Bourbel wrote to D’Arjuzon from Nice. His letters are a mixture of detailed instructions, confidence-boosting, flattery and pathetic appeals for loyalty. ‘The banker at Florence says he is certain that all will go on perfectly well… . Everything at this moment appears to me couleur de rose.’ He assured D’Arjuzon that he was the only man he could really trust, denouncing de Pindray as ‘an infamous scoundrel’, adding that ‘without you … I should despair for I am afraid of being robbed by Alexander’, and ending with the last plea of the confirmed trickster: ‘Adieu dear Louis, I write to you no more. On my knees I implore you to take care of me and my children.’8 Cunninghame-Graham wrote to his son on the same day, and clearly there were some concerns about Alexander’s ability to play his part: ‘you must pay the greatest attention to the orders which are given to you … especially avoid drink during business time, or you are sure to spoil all, for I am convinced that unless you are under the influence of wine you will act suitably in all this affair.’9

  De Bourbel also wrote to Alexander: ‘Bogle and your father are convinced that all will go on well …’.10 He then listed the dates and places on which Alexander was to present his forged letters of credit, up to and including 29 April, since he was aware that the information would not reach the London bankers until the following day.

  De Bourbel proceeded to Florence, arriving on 18 April. He was present at the bank of Bogle Kerrich and Co. two days later, where he drew a small amount on a cheque through Bogle, who completed the paperwork in a tremulous hand. De Bourbel did not, it was later established, arrive with the cheque and neither did anyone else bring one on his behalf, an incident which Bogle left unexplained. De Bourbel returned to the bank on the following day for a very curious appointment. This was the day on which the operation was to commence, and, anxious to have a good alibi, he was happy to draw attention to himself.

  Bogle had a private room at the bank that contained cash and securities. It was divided by a glass partition, in which there was a hole through which money could be passed to customers and placed on a marble slab when required. Normally the public had no access to the part of the room where the money was kept. At 10 a.m. on 21 April Mr Kerrich arrived at the bank and saw de Bourbel in the open part of Bogle’s room, transacting business with Bogle. Kerrich went to his own room but half an hour later saw that de Bourbel was still with Bogle but in the private section. Kerrich decided to investigate, but on trying the door handle found that the room was locked. He was able to see de Bourbel and Bogle clearly through the glass, so left them there and returned to his own room, coming back later to find, much to his astonishment and concern, that the door was still locked. In all, de Bourbel was closeted with Bogle for two or three hours. What they discussed during that time has never been re
vealed.

  Shortly after de Bourbel’s departure, the ‘Count de Pindray’ appeared at Bogle Kerrich and Co. and presented his forged letter of credit; although the letter was good for £2,000, he asked only for £200. As was usual, when a new letter was received it was examined by Mr Kerrich, who was satisfied that it was genuine. De Pindray received £200 in gold. No doubt the modest plundering of Bogle’s own firm was designed to remove suspicion of any involvement.

  On the same day, Frederick Pipe, who was in Genoa with Graham, obtained £1,500 from the bank of Gibbs and Co., saying that he needed the funds to purchase works of art. He received the money in gold without any difficulty, and Graham took charge of it.

  After his successful extraction of money from Bogle Kerrich and Co., de Pindray next went to a Florentine shopkeeper called Phillipson to take up some more money on the letter of credit. The letter was left with Phillipson, but that evening Phillipson returned the letter to de Pindray saying he had some doubts as to its genuineness. De Pindray was in a difficult position. The operation had only just begun and already suspicions had been aroused. After banking closed that afternoon (the bank’s hours were 10 a.m. to 3 p.m.) MacCarthy, one of Bogle’s partners, met Phillipson, who, while not able directly to prove his suspicions, left MacCarthy with a very uncomfortable impression. He decided to speak to Bogle about it, but search as he might, he could not find him. Eventually, between 4 and 5 p.m., he left a letter at Bogle’s lodgings stating his suspicions and asking to see him; but Bogle did not respond. MacCarthy did not see Bogle until the following morning, when he simply said that the note had spoiled his appetite but that he was not inclined to discuss it further.

  Who should then arrive at the bank but de Pindray, who explained that having heard about the doubts and as ‘it is a point which touches my honour’,11 he was returning the £200. Moved by his frank and open manner, his defiance of all suspicion and an exquisite sensitivity that had led him to return money he might have retained, the bank agreed to take back the £200 and wrote on the circular letter that the payment had been cancelled at the desire of the bearer. Not only had de Pindray established his reputation but the annotation on the letter gave it a further stamp of genuineness. Where Bogle had been on the evening of 21 April was never discovered, but he might have been with de Pindray persuading him to defuse suspicion by returning to the bank.

  Meanwhile, the other conspirators were having better luck. On 22 April Frederick Pipe obtained £600 from Nigra and Son of Turin, on the 23rd £800 from Pasteur Girod and Co. of Milan, and on the 24th £800 from Louis Laurent at Parma. From there he and Graham took a steamer to Leghorn and arrived at the Villa Micali to report their progress to de Bourbel and hand over the money to him, retaining some as their share. On 28 April de Bourbel was in Florence, where he deposited 1,700 gold napoleons with the accommodating Freppa.

  Since the fraud had not yet been detected it was considered safe to continue, and Pipe and Graham proceeded to Rome, where on 28 April they obtained another £200 from Monsieur Le Mesurier. So easy was this transaction that Pipe returned and asked for another £1,300. At this, Le Mesurier hesitated, recalling that he had never honoured a Glyn’s letter before. Pipe pretended great indignation. He said he had been sent out by his father to purchase some pictures and that if he did not receive the £1,300 he would return the £200, and once back in England commence an action against Glyn’s, claiming the expenses of his wasted trip and damages at being prevented from fulfilling his engagement. He must have been convincing. Le Mesurier gave the matter further thought, consulted the English consul, and paid up. Alexander Graham obtained only £150 in Aix-la-Chapelle before becoming too ill to continue.

  De Pindray left Florence with his letter of credit soon after the scene at Bogle Kerrich and Co. and proceeded to Venice, where he obtained £347 from Landi and Roncadelli and £40 from the brothers Dubois. On 29 April he was in Trieste, where he received £1,612 6s from Mr Richard Routh. This gentleman found de Pindray’s manners so pleasing that on that very night he invited him to share his box at the opera and later take supper at his house. So friendly and trusting were the two by then that de Pindray left Routh his carriage to dispose of, asking him to remit the proceeds to him in Greece or Egypt. From there de Pindray, who may never have had any intention of surrendering most of his gains to de Bourbel, decamped with the whole of the money. What became of the carriage was never reported, but, according to The Times, Routh was ruined.

  Marie Desjardins, disarmingly accompanied by a little girl and travelling in a private carriage with a courier, was finding that the fraud was running smoothly in the cities of the Rhine. She received £500 from Messrs Oppenheim and Co. in Cologne, £500 from Messrs Deinhard and Jordan of Coblenz, a further £520 from Gogel Koch and Co. of Frankfurt, and £500 from Humann and Mappes Fils in Mayence. She then proceeded in elegant triumph to Paris.

  Perry, accompanied by D’Arjuzon, had difficulties from the start. In Liège Perry asked for the sum of £550 from the bankers Nagelmackers and Co. but was refused because he did not have a proper passport. Obliged to go to Brussels to obtain one, on the following day he returned and was able to draw £100, of which D’Arjuzon took charge of £80. In Brussels they did better with a fresh letter of credit, obtaining £750 from Engler and Co., of which Perry got £250. In Ghent Perry presented the letter on which he had received £100 at Liège to de Meulemeester and Son, but that firm, not having a letter of advice from Glyn’s, declined to make a payment.

  On 23 April Perry went to Antwerp, where he asked a Monsieur Agié for £750 on the same letter he had presented to Engler and Co. Agié was suspicious. He could see, as it was noted on the letter, that Perry had obtained £750 only the previous day, and he was surprised that a man of Perry’s appearance (presumably a reference to Perry not being dressed as a gentleman) should require so much money. Perry had revealed that he was soon returning to England, and the banker thought it strange that he should be drawing money abroad so shortly before his return, when he could obtain the sum in England without paying commission. Agié smelt fraud. He refused payment, stating that he did not have the necessary advice from Glyn’s, and after Perry had departed he wrote to Engler, who contacted the police. Perry was so rattled by the experience that he burned the incriminating document. On 25 April he was on board the Ostend steamer bound for London accompanied by Angelina Pipe when they were both arrested and questioned by the Belgian police. Angelina, while admitting she knew de Bourbel, D’Arjuzon and his mistress, Perry and Alexander, denied all knowledge of the fraud, but Perry, perhaps hoping for clemency, made a full statement of his part in the affair and openly named the other conspirators, including Allan Bogle.

  The game was up, and it was clear that de Bourbel had greatly overestimated the potential rewards, since the gang made in total only £10,700 (about £700,000 today), excluding the £2,000 de Pindray had absconded with. The news first broke in the Brussels newspapers and then in Galignani’s Messenger in Paris, but it was to be some weeks before the case became an international sensation.

  Since the events of 21 April, things had been going on as usual at Bogle Kerrich and Co.; however, matters were about to take a serious turn for Allan Bogle. On 9 May the bank received a letter from Messrs Oppenheim and Co. of Cologne warning that forged letters of credit from Glyn’s were in circulation, and there were rumours that Graham and de Bourbel were involved. That same evening a packet of papers arrived at the bank from Mr Fox (later Lord Holland), the English chargé d’affaires at Florence. Fox had received a copy of Perry’s deposition from the Belgian authorities, and sent copies both to the Tuscan government and to Mr Kerrich. Kerrich, who had thus far entertained no suspicions of his partner, was appalled. As soon as the bank closed for the day he looked for Bogle in all his usual haunts and eventually that evening found him at his lodgings, where he confronted him with the documents. ‘He appeared greatly distressed,’ Kerrich said later, ‘so much so that it was painful to witness.’12 Still wantin
g to believe in his partner’s innocence, Kerrich waited for Bogle to say that he was not involved in the conspiracy, but he did not, and neither did he confess; he could only moan that he was ruined. Kerrich stayed with him for some time, and possibly afraid that his partner and friend would do something desperate, decided it was best not to leave him alone. He took Bogle to his mother’s house, and left him there, that unfortunate lady and her two daughters ‘in a most painful state of distress’.13 Graham, who had returned to Florence to be with his family, departed in secret as soon as he realised he was under suspicion.

  There were a number of courses open to Allan Bogle. He could have made a complete denial of the charges; he could have gone to the English ambassador and lodged a protest; or he could have consulted a solicitor. It is tempting to suppose that an innocent man would have done all three. Instead, he returned home, took to his bed and despite all entreaties to come out and make a formal denial, did neither. On the following day, Kerrich sought out MacCarthy and told him about Bogle’s situation. The two men went to see Bogle at his lodgings on 11 May between 11 and 12 in the morning, and found him still in bed. When he saw his two partners he became agitated and declared that he would never enter the bank again. Kerrich implored him to reconsider, but Bogle would not be moved and told the men to take away his keys. Kerrich urged him to get out of bed and show himself at his ‘usual places of resort’,14 but Bogle could only whimper ‘I cannot. I have not the spirits.’15 Reluctantly, at Bogle’s request, MacCarthy prepared a notice of dissolution of the partnership, which was duly signed. During the next few days Bogle left his lodgings only once a day to travel to his mother’s house in a closed carriage, to dine.