Renoir

by Barbara Ehrlich White

  Whatever he felt about the quality of his work, the act of painting remained in this period a source of comfort for Renoir, as revealed by the inherent optimism of his art. Aged sixty-nine, he had written to André early in 1910: ‘I am so lucky to have painting, which even very late in life still furnishes illusions and sometimes joy.’60 Although Renoir was here contrasting his life and art, Mirbeau saw the two as interconnected: ‘His whole life and his work are a lesson in happiness. He has painted with joy…Renoir may be the only great painter who has never painted a sad picture.’61 Perhaps Renoir ‘never painted a sad picture’ because he thought of his work as an escape from the reality of his situation: ‘It is unbearable, especially at night, and I am still obliged to take drugs, useless as that is. Apart from this inconvenience, all is well and I work a little to forget my sufferings.’62 Indeed, how much Renoir painted was an indication of how he was feeling physically. As Aline wrote to Durand-Ruel in 1911 after Renoir’s recovery from a particularly difficult setback, ‘Renoir is doing very well. He has a renewed taste for work, which is with him a sign of good health.’63

  Even his physical limitations could not prevent Renoir from working on large canvases when he felt inspired. When in 1910 he was painting Jean Renoir as a Huntsman (which measures 173 × 89 centimetres [68⅛ × 35 inches]; see page 245), sometimes his chair was placed on a trestle so that he could be lifted to the appropriate height, or pulleys were attached to the canvas to raise or lower it.64 Renoir desired to paint such a large canvas in order to call to mind famous murals, such as Raphael’s story of Psyche that he had admired in 1881 on the walls of the Farnesina in Rome.65 In painting such a large work, the increasingly frail artist hoped for immortality of his own. In André’s 1919 biography, he quotes Renoir as saying: ‘It is now that I have neither arms nor legs that I want to paint large canvases. I dream only of Veronese, of the Wedding at Cana!…. What a misery!’66 Renoir explained his feelings about great art of the past to Walter Pach in their interviews over 1908–12: ‘There is nothing outside of the classics. To please a student, even the most princely, a musician could not add another note to the seven of the scale. He must always come back to the first one again. Well, in art it is the same thing. But one must see that the classic may appear at any period: Poussin was a classic; Père Corot was a classic.’67

  In the same period, Renoir also expressed his high regard for artisan craftwork. Renoir was writing on this subject for a preface to the reissue of a French translation of the Libro dell’arte (The Craftsman’s Handbook, c. 1390) by Cennino Cennini, an artistic descendant of Giotto.68 The two-year project began in July 1909, and resulted in both a review in the journal L’Occident in December 1910 and in a book published by Bibliothèque de l’Occident in 1911. In November 1909, Renoir was working on the preface with the help of Maurice Denis and Georges Rivière, who transcribed and edited Renoir’s words.69 He not only praises craftworkers but also links them to the classical tradition. Renoir’s porcelain-painting background gave him sympathy for artisans, and the fact that Cennini’s craftworkers were creating frescoes appealed to Renoir’s love of the wall paintings he had admired in Italy in 1881.

  Renoir’s preface explored why the artisans of the past (contrasted to those of his time) were great artists: ‘Whatever the merit of these secondary causes of the decadence of our crafts, the principal one in my view is the absence of ideals.’70 One ideal that Renoir speaks of is faith. Not faith in God, since Renoir never displayed any interest in organized religion, as his own son wrote: ‘Renoir seldom if ever set foot in a church.’71 Renoir’s faith was in art and beauty. In his Cennini preface, Renoir wrote: ‘All painting, from that of Pompeii, made by the Greeks [in fact, artists under the early Roman Empire], to Corot’s, passing by Poussin, seems to have come out of the same palette…. However, to explain the general value of earlier art, we must remember that the master’s teaching was surpassed by something else, also now gone, that filled the soul of Cennini’s contemporaries: religious feeling, the most fecund source of their inspiration. It is that which gave to all their work simultaneously this frank and noble character in which we find so much charm. In a word, there then existed a harmony between men and the milieu in which they moved, and this harmony came from a common faith. This is explained if one agrees that the conception of divinity among superior peoples has always implied ideas of order, hierarchy, and tradition.’72 Even though Renoir was not religious, his admiration for art in museums resembles the religious veneration that he perceived in the art of the masters of the past.

  Given this attitude, when Vollard came to Renoir in April 1913 with the proposal that he collaborate with a sculptor who would translate his paintings into sculptures in the round or into reliefs, it is no surprise that Renoir was intrigued, since this would enable his artistic creations to continue in a different medium. In this collaboration, Renoir would be like Cennini and his sculptural collaborator would be like Cennini’s artisan assistants. Renoir certainly could not sculpt on his own, since his hands were so crippled that he could no longer work even in soft wax, as he had done five years earlier. However, on one occasion he took some earth from the garden of Les Collettes and made the head of the Small Standing Venus.73 Thereafter, he directed but did not actually execute further scultpures. From 1881 with the Blonde Bather (see page 92), Renoir’s figures had become increasingly sculptural, a quality that he found in his most beloved precedents – Pompeian artists, Raphael and Cézanne. In a joking letter of April 1914 to André, Renoir explained how Vollard arranged this collaboration: ‘My dear André, Everything is chance in life, and when Vollard talked to me about sculpture, at first I told him to go to hell. But after thinking it over, I let myself be persuaded in order to have some pleasant company for a few months. I don’t understand much about that art, but I made fast progress in dominoes for three people by working hard at it.’74 While Renoir gives his reason for accepting as a desire for company, it seems unlikely that he would have agreed if the idea of sculpture had not appealed to him.

  Vollard’s initial proposal was that Renoir work with Maillol, but the sculptor demurred. Instead, Maillol proposed his assistant of three years, Richard Guino, who had transferred Maurice Denis’s paintings into sculpture the previous year. The plan was that Guino would work under Renoir’s direct supervision; Renoir would make all the critical decisions, such as size and style. When he was satisfied with a piece, Renoir’s name would be affixed to the sculpture. Vollard would need his written consent in order to cast the pieces that he had purchased from the artist, after which the dealer would hold exclusive casting rights. Thus, on 19 April 1914, Renoir wrote to Vollard: ‘I authorize Monsieur Ambroise Vollard, picture-dealer, owner of my three sculpture models: small statue with base Judgment of Paris, large statue with base Judgment of Paris and the clock Triumph of Love, to reproduce them in any material.’75 Vollard would pay Guino, and Renoir would get the sale price of future purchases, less Vollard’s commission. This collaboration began in the spring of 1913 (when Guino was twenty-three and Renoir was seventy-two) and continued for more than three years. Guino, five years younger than Pierre, became part of the Renoir family. Not only was he a companion for Renoir, but he also became a good friend to Jean, only four years younger; he also befriended the adolescent Coco. Jean and Coco often wrote Renoir’s letters to Guino. His presence enabled Renoir to remain active and work even during rheumatic attacks. As Rivière wrote to Jean in October 1914: ‘The arrival of Guino will certainly distract your father a little. It will be a precious source of work without fatigue for him.’76

  Renoir assisted by Richard Guino, Large Venus Victorious with Judgment of Paris on the base, 1915–16. Bronze, H. 184.8 cm. (72 in.). Tate, London

  Of the fourteen statues in the Guino-Renoir partnership, half are related to Renoir’s 1913 version of his Judgment of Paris (see page 247; for the first, of 1908, see Chapter 5).77 One of Renoir’s goals in this new version was to make the figures heavier and more
three-dimensional and thus easier to sculpt. Gabrielle wrote to Bernheim-Jeune of her preference for this new version: ‘At the moment he is working on a large painting, the same as the one you saw in Cagnes, the Judgment of Paris, but this one is much more beautiful than the other one. He is well and works every day.’78

  Under Renoir’s supervision, Guino made five figures in the round and two reliefs based on the 1913 painting. Two of the statues are busts of Paris, one beardless and one with a beard.79 The other three statues were of Venus: a small statuette, a medium statuette and a large statue (see page 285).80 The two reliefs of the Judgment of Paris, a small bas-relief and a large high-relief, became the bases that supported the small and the large statues of Venus.81 Renoir planned to display one of the bronzes of his large Venus statue in his garden at Les Collettes, for which he made a watercolour of the statue in its setting on which he inscribed: ‘Let the base of the statue be at the level of the water with small rocks and aquatic plants.’82 As Renoir and Guino worked on this project, Renoir tried to improve his conception for the large Venus by researching the heights of classical precedents. In February 1914, he wrote to André: ‘My dear friend, I have something annoying for you to do for me. I don’t even know if it can be done. It would be to find out the exact height from the heel to the top of the head of a statue of a Greek woman, not the Venus de Milo, who looks like a big policeman, but for example the Venus of Arles or the Medici or some other. You can get this information, I think, from the casts in the Louvre. If you can get this information for me in this way or another, let me know as soon as possible. If it’s impossible, I’ll do without it, that’s all.’83 Whether or not André was able to get Renoir this information, work was already under way a few months later when Cassatt reported to Durand-Ruel: ‘The big statue is progressing.’84 The height of Renoir’s large Venus is between the heights of the two classical statues that he asked André to investigate. Otherwise, the proportions of Renoir’s are entirely different from those of the ancient statues: Renoir’s is heavy, with a small head, sloping shoulders, small breasts, long torso, protruding stomach and wide hips.

  In addition to having Guino follow the body type and gestures of the figures in his 1913 Judgment of Paris, Renoir provided live models. From Les Collettes in October 1913, Jean wrote to Guino in Paris: ‘My dear Guinot [sic]; Papa has asked me to tell you to wait a little before you bring a model, for he might have someone in mind: Renée who posed in Essoyes for the little Venus.’85 Three months later, Renoir told Vollard that he was ready to receive Guino in Nice, adding that he had two models, male and female, so he hoped Guino would not delay in coming.86 The male model was to pose for the figures of both Paris and the flying Mercury, the female model for the three goddesses. Until November 1913, Gabrielle continued to model for Renoir, as she had for both versions of the Judgment of Paris, including for the male figure of Paris.87 However, during the seven months that Guino worked for Renoir from April 1913 until Gabrielle’s departure in November 1913, there is no indication whether or not she posed for Guino.

  Renoir’s Judgment of Paris paintings are the first depictions of a romantic encounter since 1885’s In the Garden,88 but there was no corresponding love affair in Renoir’s life. His relationship with his wife had become increasingly strained and distant, often causing them to live apart. Renoir, accompanied by Gabrielle to the end of November 1913, and by other maids after that time, spent the majority of his time in Cagnes or Nice while Aline shuttled from Essoyes to Paris, Nice and Cagnes. The couple did periodically meet, as indicated by his letter of 24 June 1911 to her: ‘I hope I’ll find you still in Paris. I will be there during the first week of July.’89 So much physical separation worked well for the couple no doubt because of their emotional separation.

  Aline’s continual refusal to accept doctors’ orders regarding her health increasingly frustrated Renoir. For example, in January 1914, he wrote to André snidely: ‘My wife still has a bad cold, of course.’90 By this time, Aline’s diabetes had been officially diagnosed. Another diabetic, Mary Cassatt, wrote to Joseph Durand-Ruel in February 1914 about Aline’s diabetes.91 In fact, Gabrielle had given Aline’s illness a name two years earlier: ‘Madame Renoir is doing okay. She still has diabetes. She has lost a lot of weight.’92 As noted in Chapter 5, there was no medical treatment for diabetes then, but Aline made efforts to control it by regular trips to the spa at Vichy.93 Unfortunately, spa treatments were as little use to Aline as they had been to Renoir. Her weakened immune system predisposed her to respiratory problems such as emphysema and bronchitis. For example, in 1910, on the reverse of a letter from Renoir to Gangnat, Gabrielle had noted: ‘Madame Renoir is recovering from a very bad cold. She isn’t over it yet.’94 The following June, Gabrielle had written to Vollard: ‘The patronne has been coughing for three weeks. She still has bronchitis.’95

  The very fortune that made their lifestyle possible acted as another source of friction between Aline and Renoir. As he explained in 1913: ‘My wife loves luxury; I hate it and accept it only when forced upon me.’96 Aline had always pursued more luxury and comfort than Renoir desired. She wanted to purchase houses in Essoyes and Les Collettes and to rent an expensive apartment in Paris. In complete contrast, all Renoir’s studios and his personal attire were modest. Nonetheless, given that Renoir had become a suffering paraplegic, he was pleased to have enough money, as Cassatt wrote to Havemeyer in 1913: ‘He has made money enough to give himself and his family every comfort.’97 With or without Renoir’s permission, Aline never hesitated to ask Durand-Ruel or Vollard for funds.98 She also made some money on the side by selling art. As Cassatt wrote to Havemeyer in 1912: ‘Mme Renoir bought a little “pochade” [quick sketch] by Cézanne for 100 francs long ago, not so very long ago, & now they offer her 18,500 francs for it, but she wants 20,000 francs. It is folly.’99 In hopes of gaining more money, Aline also pursued gambling, as Renoir had joked to Mme Gangnat in a letter of November 1910 to her husband: ‘This [note] is for Mme Gangnat: my wife went to Monte Carlo and she won 200 francs. I will be able to buy myself a brimmed hat, which I have wanted for a long time.’100

  Aline’s goal of becoming haute-bourgeoise led her to reject what she felt were menial tasks. Rather, she saw herself as the manager of their various residences. She insisted on being present to greet Renoir’s guests and kept track of which rooms were available when. In March 1911, she wrote to Durand-Ruel: ‘If your son Georges intends to come, he’d better hurry up. I won’t have any free rooms after the 20th.’101 And in 1913, to Vollard: ‘You were planning to come at the end of the month. I have a room for you…. Aline Renoir.’102

  There was also an expanding staff to supervise at their three residences. Madeleine Bruno, a model from Cagnes, recalled: ‘there were many employees at Les Collettes: Grand’ Louise who was from Essoyes as were Gabrielle and Lucienne,103 the chamber maid, Léontine from Cagnes, Antoinette Herben, Bailé the gardener, and Baptistin, the chauffeur.’104 In addition, the Renoirs had part-time workers. Aline was most directly involved with the gardeners, since she enjoyed being able to send her own produce to Renoir’s friends. For example, in December 1912, Renoir informed Paule Gobillard: ‘My wife is going to send you some [olive] oil that is perfect and abundant this year.’105

  Aline put her management skills to good use as a matchmaker. Just as she had previously taken great interest in pairing up Rivière’s elder daughter, Hélène, and Renoir’s nephew, Edmond Renoir junior,106 she later turned her attention to Hélène’s younger sister, Renée, who had lived with the Renoirs while studying singing (see Chapter 5). Rivière wrote an ecstatic and grateful letter to Aline in late 1912 announcing that Renée (then twenty-seven) was engaged to marry Paul Cézanne junior (who was forty): ‘Madame, Mme Cézanne and her son came to visit me this afternoon and you can guess right away the reason for their visit. It was a marriage proposal. Paul Cézanne and Renée are in love and have declared [their betrothal]…. I didn’t want to wait more than a few hours to a
nnounce an event that you helped to bring about and that will delight you just as much as me…. This marriage pleases me infinitely…. Must I really insist on the feelings of gratitude that I feel when thinking of your role in this marriage? No, don’t you agree, you don’t need to do another good deed for me for my affections for you to continue, and you know me well.’107 Eight days later, he wrote to Renoir: ‘I don’t need to be long-winded to tell you how happy I am about Renée’s upcoming marriage [they married in January 1913]. No matter why or when I think about the marriage, I rejoice. By the way, I received a very kind letter from your wife; please tell her that I was very touched.’108 Renée expressed her heartfelt appreciation to Aline years later by naming her children Aline Cézanne and Jean-Pierre Cézanne (combining Aline’s two older sons’ names).

  Mary Cassatt, who struggled to understand Renoir’s family, did not share the good opinion that Rivière, Renée and Paul Cézanne had of Aline. Cassatt based her observations both on what she witnessed and on what her maid, Mathilde Valet, learned from the Renoirs’ servants. In Cassatt’s opinion, there was a sharp contrast between Aline, whom she viewed as cold and distant from her husband, and Gabrielle, whom Cassatt perceived as loving and devoted to Renoir. In a letter to Havemeyer of February 1913, Cassatt analysed the situation: ‘I went to see Renoir the other day, it does one good to see his courage. It is a strange household; the only one with heart is the former model and now nurse. I was told she drank occasionally but one forgives that when one sees her devotion, as for Mme Renoir, she is away most of the time.’109 For example, eighteen months earlier, Aline had decided to go to a spa at the same time that Renoir planned to pay a condolence call to Monet, so Gabrielle accompanied Renoir.110 Both Gabrielle and Cassatt believed that Aline liked being on her own. At that point, as previously noted, Aline thought that going to spas would control her diabetes, as Cassatt informed Durand-Ruel early in 1915: ‘I saw Renoir this afternoon, very well and painting with a pretty colour – no more red. Mme Renoir wasn’t there, having gone to Nice. He told me that she was also feeling very well. The Renoirs’ cook told Mathilde [Cassatt’s maid] that no, she wasn’t herself and that [the cook] thought that [Aline’s] diabetes had gone to her head. This woman [the cook] has worked very long for the Renoirs. Now Mme Renoir doesn’t want to follow any diet; they say that if she goes regularly to Vichy, it isn’t necessary.’111 In July 1913, Cassatt had written again to her New York friend Havemeyer about Gabrielle: ‘It is a curious household; fortunately for [Renoir] there is a former model now nurse, whose devotion is beautiful.’112