Brother Tariq: The Doublespeak of Tariq Ramadan

by Caroline Fourest

  This way of rehabilitating the contribution of Arab thinkers to Western traditions, while at the same time refusing to recognize that they were rationalists persecuted by the fundamentalists, proves to what extent Ramadan manipulates history to serve his political ends. The essential thing is to exercise control over the critical perspective, in the name of multiculturalism, so as to distinguish correctly between exchange and colonization. Ramadan sets himself up as the one to judge what is to be regarded as resistance and what is to be seen as collaboration vis-a-vis "Westernization," always to be equated with colonization: "Since not everything is bad in the other camp, and not everything is good, the intelligent thing is to determine what to resist and what to accept.,3 5 He is not awkward to the point of denying that Muslim societies are faced with huge problems. "It's a black picture, no doubt about it," he conceded on the subject of the degree of poverty, the rapid population growth, and the illiteracy characteristic ofthe countries in question. But what does he propose as a solution? Nothing in any way reminiscent of the West. He is opposed, for instance, to family planning-a Western conspiracy to force Southern countries to produce fewer children. Exactly the line taken by the Vatican to incite the nations of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to vote against the family-planning programs proposed by the UN!

  Economic "colonization"

  Another aspect of Ramadari s exposition aims to show that the economy has become "a truly worldwide form of colonialism." Here again, it is not a question of condemning the exploitation of the South by the North as a form of domination-but rather as a form of Westernization. Ramadan is right to condemn the misuse made of international institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF. He remarks that the process, which began after the Sec and World War, coincided with the decline of political colonialism, as if this were a substitute, or at least a successor, to colonialism. It is unquestionably the case that these institutions, alongside the constraints due to debt, do create a situation whereby the North dictates the policies of nations of the South. But are we to equate political colonialism-established by an army of occupation-with a balance of power that is economic in nature?

  If it is a question of resisting domination, then equating the two is counterproductive: it denies the violence of a military occupation and does not really help us understand how to resist the new forms of domination: unilateral globalization and subservience by debt. Never mind, since what counts for Ramadan is to link, by whatever means, economic imperialism and the extension of human rights: "Human rights are the pretext for economic policies that cannot be presented as such." ,36 Once again, this opinion may well be shared by all those who are fed up seeing the American government drape itself in the cloak ofhumanitarianism every time it acts to defend its financial and oil interests, particularly in Iraq. But Tariq Ramadan has more than Iraq in mind. As it happens, his alternative economic model is none other than that of Hassan al-Tourabi's Sudan. And it is frankly embarrassing to see Tariq Ramadan attempt to head off any criticism ofthat country's failure to respect human rights on the grounds that Sudan has challenged the dominant economic model.

  Sudan as model

  The preacher has repeated several times that he condemns the "absence of political liberties" in Sudan .37 However, Jean-Yves Chaperon, a reporter for Luxembourg's RTL radio and television network, remembers having encountered Tariq Ramadan, "who was well disposed towards Tourabi and his regime" in 1993, on the occasion of the high mass organized by the "Pope of Islamism' in Khartoum.38 On his return, Ramadan gave several interviews saying how much of a "moderate" Tourabi was.39 And why would he be critical of his host, seeing as how Tourabi had nothing but words of praise for him! In truth, even if Ramadan has, on occasion, expressed his reservations concerning the lack of public freedom in Sudan, these criti cisms have been few and far between, compared to the number of times he has come to the defense of Tourabi and his policies. He has explained, in particular, that the countries "that take a moderate and open-minded view of the West are, as concerns respect for human rights in the political sphere, in a worse situation and less respectful of the elementary rights of man' than Sudan.40 According to him, if Sudan is on the blacklist of international institutions, it is not because of its violations of human rights, but because it is a threat to American interests: `American propaganda sets the tone and people talk nonsense about this country."41 Ramadan cites as a model of resistance to globalization the fact that Sudan opted out of the international monetary system in order to develop its own alternative economic model. In general, he looks on economic development as a Western mystification designed to reinforce Western domination, whereas "religion is a factor of true development."42 The Muslims should thus create "an alternative economy," independent of the world's economic machinery. "What Muslims of any country have to understand is that they have to develop financial independence and political independence."43 But how is it going to be possible to develop a separatist Islamic economy in a world in which the economy is global? While approving of Sudan quitting the international monetary system, Tariq Ramadan argues for a return to an economy based on raw materials and micro-credit. In fact, what he is advocating is self-sufficiency, in line with his "anti-mixture" phobia in international relations. Here again, he is at cross purposes with the anti-globalists. Tariq Ramadan does not want to block globalization so as to replace it with some "other globalization," but to put an end to all exchanges. That is, he advocates not to restore a certain balance in North-South relations, but to allow Muslim countries once again to institute economies that conform to Islamic rules.

  Such a world would not be totally negative, just as not all is totally negative in Sudan. In the name of respecting divine revelation, long-term projects might well see the light of day. There would be less pollution and more agriculture. Unfortunately, it would not represent negotiated progress towards collective well-being, but rather a step backwards, dictated by a totalitarian religious purism. Loans would not be turned down because of the risk of debt accumulation, but because the Koran forbids them, as Tariq Ramadan explains: "The revealed word ofthe Koran is explicit: he who engages in speculation or loans money for interest is at war with the Transcendent."44 AlBanna also proposed an economic reform based on three priorities: agrarian reform, the banning of usury, and the elimination of income tax (to be replaced by the law on the giving of alms). It should be understood that this alternative economy is a regressive process, inseparable from social and political regression. In "Islam and the West" Ramadan offers us a foretaste: "There exists not one society in majority Muslim, nor one Muslim region, that has not made it abundantly clear that a social and political project cannot afford to dispense with Muslim principles."45

  Resistance will arise from the "Islamic revival"

  Tariq Ramadan agrees with Samuel Huntington: "He makes it dear that Muslim civilization is in the process of creating within itself forces of resistance, forces that will resist Westernization. ,46 He concurs with Huntington's analysis, which considers Islam to be a possible alternative: "It's a side thesis, but at the same time a capital one that he introduces."47 Adopting Huntingtons binary approach to the issues of civilization, he insists that "the reaffirmation of our identity in religious as well as cultural terms" is "one of the elements that will enable us to redefine North-South relations." More to the point, it is via this reaffirmation that resistance will develop: "The affirmation of Muslim principles can produce resistance to the dominant structures."48 It is what he calls the "possible alternative offered by the `Islamic revival."' He took pleasure in announcing as an "extremely heartening development" the fact that the Islamism inaugurated by his grandfather was gaining ground: "For the last fifty years, although no one foresaw it, there has not been a single society in majority Muslim, nor a single minority Muslim community, that has not been living the revival of its faith."49 This revival, and the menace it represents for Western interests, is enough to explain, according to him, the demonization of Islamism: "
There's no doubt that it is on that account today that demonization and `diabolization' have become so widespread in the West." Thus resistance to fundamentalism is a "demonization" designed to protect Western interests.

  The alternative to the Western model, the revival model that Tariq Ramadan dreams of, bears a striking resemblance to the American "awakenings," the name given to the four turning points in American history, when the evangelists travelled throughout the country to rekindle the faith of their fellow citizens. Tariq Ramadan takes after them. He is a preacher seeking conversions. Moreover, he compares conversion to being "born again," the term used by the fundamentalists to indicate that the rediscovery of faith is like a second birth. Like the most mystic of Christians, he sometimes tells the story of a brother who experienced revelation after a session of spiritualism in which the Koran appeared in a vision, reducing the audience to tears. His concern with proselytizing is such that he pleads for the converted to be "integrated" into the Muslim community.-50 He makes no secret of his determination to make of the West not his battlefield (dar el-harb) but his "land of witnessing": dar el-shahada. Yet it is worth noting that translation of dar el- shahada as "land of witnessing" is in itself a euphemism, for shahada is the term used for conversion to Islam. The words "recall" or "witnessing" are, in reality, employed so as to avoid use of another word that is far more accurate, but that provokes hostility: the word "proselytize." Not only has it negative connotations; it is, in theory, contrary to Islam. But Ramadan, despite his denials, is incapable of abdicating. As for dawa, I don't translate it as 'preaching,' for to Christians ... preaching is proselytizing, and we know we don't have the right to proselytize. We bear witness; we transmit the message and Allah transforms people's hearts."` Let us not be fooled. This circumspection with regard to terminology is nothing but a show. Ramadan is a tireless preacher, someone entirely devoted to converting as many people as possible to his vision of Islam. This obsessive proselytizer counts openly on Europe's "spiritual crisis," which he refers to as "the axis of the future," to make of Islam a source of attraction.52 All his energy, all the effort he puts into finetuning his rhetoric and teaching Muslims how to talk to journalists-his network building and infiltration-they are his very life: "We bear the responsibility to remind men of the presence of God, and to act in such a way that our presence among them and with them will consist in itself of a reminder of the Creator, of spirituality and of ethics."5" It is his most deeply rooted jihad: enlarge, unify and reinforce the umma, such as the Muslim Brothers conceived of it: "Fraternity is a jihad. I am on a jihad for fraternity."54

  The sense of being on a jihad explains why Tariq Ramadan never stays put and never remains at the head of an organization for long. His role is not to supervise an association in one country, but to labor in the field throughout the Occident, so as to give birth to small groups that will together enlarge the umma. What Ramadan is aiming at is not national political reform, but a world cultural revolution. One thing he has understood: revolutions are no longer made by mass movements. Thanks to the development of computer networks and the media, a handful of militants who are determined and intelligent, if they occupy strategic posts throughout the planet, can change the face of the world: "Things don't change any more because of the numbers involved, that's over with .... You don't need a hundred per city, only ten!," he explained to his troops.55 In other words, things are easier than they were during the time of Hassan al-Banna, who had stockpiled a thousand rifles to change the course of Egypt's history. For Ramadan's world, cultural revolution draws less on Maoism than on the reformist Salafists who, he claims, had "understood before their time" the degree to which cultural issues came before political ones.56 Like alBanna, Tariq Ramadan has a detailed plan in mind, made up of successive stages: "Everything that is international is of interest to us; everything that is national, as well; but our priority is the local."57 Which does not prevent him from dreaming of an Islamist International, consisting of a multitude of cells concentrating on local issues ... "Thousands of small-scale initiatives will add up to something big," he promised.58

  The preacher has effectively played a major role in the rise of Islamism at the local, national and international levels. Wherever he goes, his lectures breathe new life into activist groups, setting them on the right course and giving them a new dynamism, so that soon they will be taking over public debate. In Brussels, for instance, here is how he addressed his followers at a conference given in 1995: "I'll make a little pact with you and the organiz ers of this conference. Every one of you knows the situation in Brussels. Can we agree that, in one year from now (insh'allah), we will meet here again to see what you have been able to do in the meantime?"59 The preacher kept on insisting. No question of letting the evening go by without producing something concrete: "Create fraternal ties among you, create learning centers for yourselves, create a dynamics in Brussels." He explained to his followers that this was necessary in order for his message to be credible in the eyes of journalists and not give the impression he was isolated: "Your silence will cast doubt on my intentions .... Your surrender will cast doubt on what our brothers are saying .... Wake up!" And he added: "It is time to speak. It is time to talk Islam!"

  Unification is our strength

  One of Ramadans objectives is to globalize the Islamic awakening: "One of the challenges faced by the resistance concerns what I call the phenomenon of transnationality, the transnational reference to Islam. In all countries, the United States as well, the Islamic fervor within Muslim communities is phenomenal." One sole drawback: "These phenomena are not necessarily coordinated. Our greatest problem is that we do not communicate enough with the others. `0 Ramadan sees himself in this role of coordinator. He has been working for years to get the groups in touch with one another, to have them mobilize together. This objective explains why he warns against perpetuating the traditions that belong to the different Muslim cultures. It is not simply a question of protecting Islam from criticism by shifting the blame onto traditional customs; it is also a way of breaking down the cultural barriers between Muslims to facilitate their coming together in one single Islamist International, even ifthis means standardization and thus the sacrifice of the rich diversity ofthe Muslim world. It is one ofthe ironies ofhis anti-globalization: to defeat globalization, he is prepared to replace one form of globalization-Western-with another, Muslim, standardization. Fiammetta Venner has an expression that sums up this way oftrying, at all costs, to weaken Muslim cultural diversity for the sake of a simplified, unified Islam: "Tariq Ramadan, he's Islarns McDonald's." 6" Even if he offers a warning not to "confuse the oneness of our identity with cultural standardization," that is exactly what he is doing when he encourages Muslims to disregard geographical boundaries and consider themselves as Brothers in a single Islam, rid of its historical, local evolution: `And are not the questions that we ask of ourselves as French Muslims the same as those asked in Indonesia? Is it the right thing to do to keep dividing up the world geographically?"62

  The desire to globalize Islam is not without consequence: it explains why a European leader like Tariq Ramadan refuses explicitly to condemn stoning-out of fear of offending Nigeria, even if it thereby suggests that European Muslims are still debating whether or not they should stone someone to death for adultery! In addition to weakening local cultures, the standardization sought by Ramadan always involves further radicalization of Muslims. After having awakened them, and connected them to the network, the preacher spends his time and energy having them lose all critical sense vis-avis the Islamists, and-the flip side-having them learn to scorn liberal Muslims. All this in the name of Islamic fraternity! Woe betide anyone who treats a brother or a sister "dressed according to the sunna ... as an extremist!"63 On the basis of a verse of the Koran, he strikes terror into any Muslim who would take it into his head to suspect another Muslim of being a fundamentalist: "Speaking ill of one's brother is like eating one's own flesh. Do you intend to eat the flesh of your brother on
ce he is dead?," he asked in dramatic tones of his dumbfounded audience. And what does he give as an example of criticism to be avoided? The rumors circulating that suggest Secours Islamique, or Islamic Relief, is an Islamist organization that seeks to Islamize rather than just help. But according to Tariq Ramadan, a Muslim who believes such rumors is a traitor to his community. "It has been said: the Secours I slamique, there are questions about it. But have you checked into it? Have you done your research? If you dorit know, keep it for yourself!"" And what does he cite as the division that represents the supreme sin against the community? The attack by the Muslims ofthe Northern Alliance under Commander Massoud on the Taliban!

  Ramadan had people believe that he was close to Commander Massoud during the war against the Soviets. However, he was forthright in his con demnation of the Northern Alliance once it went to war with the Taliban. On December II, 1994, during a conference given for the Association des etudiants islamiques de France (Association of Islamic Students of France), a founding member ofwhich was Hassan al-Tourabi, he expressed anger at the idea of Massoud's Northern Alliance besieging Kabul:

  Many of you were pleased and happy to see that, in the name of "There is no God but God," the Afghan people rose up against their Russian oppressors. They fought against oppression and defended themselves like true freedom fighters. But just look at what a disaster it is today. Have you seen what is happening? The defense of selfish interests has won out over the thought of God, and they have taken to killing each other. At the very moment that I am speaking to you, not one hour goes by without a rocket falling on Kabul. Muslims suffering terrible violence at the hands of other Muslims .... Is that not forgetting the very essence of our faith?65