The Israel-Arab Reader
Page 78
In this Christmas season, in this Hanukkah season, on the edge of Ramadan, this is a time for mercy and vision and looking at all of our children together. You have reaffirmed the fact that you now intend to share this piece of land without war, with your neighbors, forever. They have heard you. They have heard you. Now, you and they must now determine what kind of peace you will have. Will it be grudging and mean-spirited and confining, or will it be generous and open? Will you begin to judge each other in the way you would like to be judged? Will you begin to see each other’s children in the way you see your own? Will they feel your pain and will you understand theirs? Surely, to goodness, after five years of this peace process, and decades of suffering, and after you have come here today and done what you have done, we can say, enough of this gnashing of teeth, let us join hands and proudly go forward together.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak: Presentation of the Government to the Knesset (July 6, 1999)
. . . . Now it is our duty to complete the mission, and establish a comprehensive peace in the Middle East which has known so much war. It is our duty to ourselves and our children to take decisive measures to strengthen Israel by ending the Arab-Israeli conflict. This government is determined to make every effort, pursue every path and do everything necessary for Israel’s security, the achievement of peace and the prevention of war. We have an historic obligation to take advantage of the “window of opportunity” which has opened before us in order to bring long-term security and peace to Israel. We know that comprehensive and stable peace can be established only if it rests, simultaneously, on four pillars: Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and Lebanon, in some sense as a single bloc, and of course the Palestinians. As long as peace is not grounded on all these four pillars, it will remain incomplete and unstable.
The Arab countries must know that only a strong and self-confident Israel can bring peace. Here, today, I call upon all the leaders of the region to extend their hands to meet our outstretched hand, and toward a “peace of the brave,” in a region which has known so much war, blood and suffering. To our neighbors the Palestinians, I wish to say: the bitter conflict between us has brought great suffering to both our peoples. Now, there is no reason to settle accounts over historical mistakes. Perhaps things could have been otherwise, but we cannot change the past; we can only make the future better. I am not only cognizant of the sufferings of my people, but I also recognize the sufferings of the Palestinian people.
My ambition and desire is to bring an end to violence and suffering, and to work with the elected Palestinian leadership, under Chairman Yasser Arafat, in partnership and respect, in order to jointly arrive at a fair and agreed settlement for coexistence in freedom, prosperity and good neighborliness in this beloved land where the two peoples will always live. To Syrian President Hafez Assad, I say that the new Israeli government is determined, as soon as possible, to advance the negotiations for the achievement of full, bilateral treaty of peace and security, on the basis of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. We have been tough and bitter adversaries on the battlefield. The time has come to establish a secure and courageous peace which will ensure the futures of our peoples, our children and our grandchildren. It is my intention to bring an end to the IDF presence in Lebanon within one year, to deploy the IDF, through agreement, along the border, and to bring our boys home while also taking the necessary measures to guarantee the welfare and security of residents along the northern border, as well as the future of the Lebanese security and civilian assistance personnel who have worked alongside us, over all these years, for the sake of the residents of the region. I wish to take advantage of this opportunity to praise the residents of Kiryat Shmona and communities along the confrontation line for their firm stand in the face of the Katyushas. From here, on behalf of us all, I offer my support to them. Their determination and the strength of the IDF are what will enable us to create the new situation. . . .
The Government’s objective will be to act, at the same time, to bring peace closer on all fronts, but without compromising on Israel’s security needs and most vital interests first and foremost among them, a united Jerusalem, the eternal capital of Israel, under our sovereignty. We will not be deterred by the difficulties. I know very well that difficult negotiations, replete with crises and ups and downs, await us before we reach our desired goal. I can only promise that, if the other side displays the same degree of determination and good will to reach an agreement as on our side, no force in the world will prevent us from achieving peace here. In this context, I attach the greatest importance to the support of our partners to peace treaties: Egypt and Jordan. I believe that President Hosni Mubarak and King Abdullah can play a vital role in creating the dynamics and an atmosphere of trust so needed for progress toward peace. They can also advance education for peace among the children of Egypt and Jordan, the Palestinians and, in the future, also of Syria and Lebanon education for peace, which is a condition for any longterm, stable peace. I am convinced that King Hassan of Morocco can also contribute to this, as can other countries who already, in the past, opened channels of communication with Israel, cooperating with the peace process in various spheres. My aspiration will be to firmly resume these contacts in order to create a favorable regional atmosphere that can assist the negotiations. The guarantee of the peace agreements and their implementation lies in the strength of the Israel Defense Forces. As such, we will attend to bolstering the IDF, the quality of its commanders and soldiers, its equipment with the best educational and technological systems training and fitness, its ability to always be prepared to deter and provide a response to distant and near dangers, and to all kinds of threats, whether conventional or otherwise. . . .
Israeli Government: Basic Guidelines (July 1999)
1.2 The Government of Israel will act to bring an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict through peaceful means, and by standing firm on Israel’s national security, integrity and development. The Government will strive to establish peace based on mutual respect, ensuring the security and other vital interests of the State and offering personal security for all its citizens. . . .
2.1 The Government views peace as a basic value of life in Israel, whose sources draw on the vision of the Prophets, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence and in the continued yearning of the Israeli people for peace and security. The Government believes that it is possible to bring an end to the cycle of blood-shed in our region. Making peace is grounded in the strength of the IDF and on the overall strength of Israel, on the deterrent capabilities of the State, and on the desire for stability in the Middle East that will allow resources to be directed toward economic and social development.
2.2 Peace is a component in the national security conception and the foreign relations of Israel. The arrangements and peace treaties to which Israel will be a partner will be grounded in the preservation of the security and national interests of Israel, resting on the broad support of the people in Israel.
2.3 The Government will cultivate the strength of the IDF as the defensive and deterrent force of Israel.
2.4 The Government will conduct an all-out war against terrorist organizations and the initiators and perpetrators of terrorism, and guarantee the personal security of all residents of Israel.
2.5 As part of its policy to bring about and establish peace in the Middle East, the Government will act toward the development of mechanisms for political, economic, scientific and cultural cooperation between peoples of the region.
2.6 The Government will act to accelerate the negotiations with the Palestinians, based on the existing process, with a view toward ending the conflict with a permanent settlement that guarantees the security and vital interests of Israel. The permanent settlement with the Palestinians will be submitted for approval in a referendum.
2.7 The Government will honor and implement the agreements which Israel has signed with the Palestinians, while, at the same time, insisting that the Palestinian Authority also honor and implement
these agreements.
2.8 The Government will resume the negotiations with Syria with a view toward concluding a peace treaty therewith full peace that bolsters the security of Israel, grounded in UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and on the existence of a normal relationship between two neighboring states, living side by side in peace. The peace treaty with Syria will be submitted for approval in a referendum.
2.9 The Government will act toward bringing the IDF out of Lebanon, while guaranteeing the welfare and security of residents of the north, and aspiring to conclude a peace treaty with Lebanon.
2.10 The Government views Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority as important partners in the effort to establish peace in our region, and will conduct an ongoing political dialogue with each of them. The Government will also work to advance understanding and friendship, as well as the development of the economy, commerce and tourism between the Israeli people and the Egyptian, Jordanian and Palestinian peoples.
2.11 The Government will conduct an ongoing dialogue with the United States with regard to its positions on the permanent settlement. The dialogue will also relate to American political, economic and defense assistance to Israel. The Government will work to intensify the special friendship between the United States and Israel, and to continue and cultivate the strategic cooperation with the United States. . . .
3.1 Greater Jerusalem, the eternal capital of Israel, will remain united and complete under the sovereignty of Israel.
3.2 Members of all religions will be guaranteed free access to the holy places, and freedom of worship.
3.3 The Government will work toward the development and prosperity of Jerusalem, and for continued construction therein for the welfare of all its residents.
4.1 The Government views all forms of settlement as a valued social and national enterprise, and will work to improve its ability to contend with the difficulties and challenges it faces.
4.2 Until the status of the Jewish communities in Judea, Samaria and Gaza is determined, within the framework of the permanent settlement, no new communities will be built and no existing communities will be detrimentally affected.
4.3 The Government will work to ensure the security of the Jewish residents in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, and to provide regular Government and municipal services equal to those offered to residents of all other communities in Israel. . . .
U.S. President Bill Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, and Syrian Foreign Minister Faruk al-Shara: Speeches at the Renewal of Syrian-Israeli Negotiations (December 15, 1999)
U.S. President Bill Clinton
When the history of this century is written, some of its most illustrious chapters will be the stories of men and women who put old rivalries and conflicts behind them and looked ahead to peace and reconciliation for their children. What we are witnessing today is not yet peace, and getting there will require bold thinking and hard choices. But today is a big step along that path. Prime Minister Barak and Foreign Minister Shara are about to begin the highest level meeting ever between their two countries. They are prepared to get down to business. For the first time in history, there is a chance of a comprehensive peace between Israel and Syria and indeed all its neighbors. That Prime Minister Barak and Foreign Minister Shara chose to come here to Washington reminds us of one other fact, of course, which is the United States’ own responsibility in this endeavor. Secretary Albright and I and our entire team will do everything we possibly can to help the parties succeed. For a comprehensive peace in the Middle East is vital not only to the region, it is also vital to the world and to the security of the American people. For we have learned from experience that tensions in the region can escalate, and the escalations can lead into diplomatic, financial and ultimately military involvement far more costly than even the costliest peace. We should be clear, of course. The success of the enterprise we embark upon today is not guaranteed. The road to peace is no easier and in many ways it is harder than the road to war.
There will be challenges along the way, but we have never had such an extraordinary opportunity to reach a comprehensive settlement. Prime Minister Barak, an exceptional hero in war, is now a determined soldier for peace. He knows a negotiated peace, one that serves the interests of all sides, is the only way to bring genuine security to the people of Israel, to see that they are bound by a circle of peace. President Assad too has known the cost of war. From my discussion with him in recent months, I am convinced he knows what a true peace could do to lift the lives of his people and give them a better future. And Foreign Minister Shara is an able representative of the president and the people of Syria.
Let me also say a brief word about the continuing progress of the Palestinian track. Chairman Arafat also has embarked on a courageous quest for peace and the Israelis and the Palestinians continue to work on that. We see new leaders with an unquestioned determination to defend and advance the interest of their own people, but also determined to marshal the courage and creativity, the vision and resolve to secure a bright future based on peace rather than a dark future under the storm clouds of continuing, endless conflict. At the close of this millennium and in this season of religious celebration for Jews, for Muslims, for Christians, Israelis, Palestinians, Syrians, Lebanese, all have it within their power to end decades of bitter conflict. Together they can choose to write a new chapter in the history of our time. Again, let me say that today’s meeting is a big step in the right direction, and I am profoundly grateful for the leaders of both nations for being here. We have just talked and agreed that it would be appropriate for each leader to say a few brief words on behalf of the delegation. We will take no questions in keeping with our commitment to do serious business and not cause more problems than we can solve out here with you and all your helpful questions.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak
We came here to put behind us the horrors of war and to step forward toward peace. We are fully aware of the opportunity of the building of responsibility and of the seriousness, determination and devotion that will be needed in order to begin this march together with our Syrian partners to make a different Middle East where nations are living side by side in peaceful relationship and in mutual respect and good neighborliness. We are determined to do whatever we can to put an end and to bring about the dreams of children and mothers all around the region to see a better future of the Middle East at the entrance to the new millennium.
Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-Shara
. . . . Your announcement, Mr. President, was warmly welcomed, both in Syria and in the Arab world, and its positive echoes resonated in the world at large. That is because it promises for the first time the dawn of a real hope to achieve an honorable and just peace in the Middle East. And as you have mentioned in your letter of Oct. 12, 1999, to President Assad, the issues have crystallized and difficulties defined. That is why, if these talks are to succeed as rapidly as we all desire, no one should ignore what has been achieved until now or what still needs to be achieved.
It goes without saying that peace for Syria means the return of all its occupied land, while for Israel, peace will mean the end of the psychological fear which the Israelis have been living in as a result of the existence of occupation, which is undoubtedly the source of all adversities and wars. Hence, ending occupation will be balanced for the first time by eliminating the barrier of fear and anxieties, and exchanging it with a true and a mutual feeling of peace and security.
Thus, the peace which the parties are going to reach will be established on justice and international legitimacy, and thus peace will be the only triumphant after 50 years of struggle. Those who reject to return the occupied territories to their original owners in the framework of international legitimacy send a message to the Arabs that the conflict between Israel and Arabs is a conflict of existence in which bloodshed can never stop, and not a conflict about borders which can be ended as soon as parties get the rights, as President Assad has stressed to these meet
ings more than once before and after Middle East peace conference.
We are approaching the moment of truth, as you have said, and there is no doubt that everyone realizes that a peace agreement between Syria and Israel and between Lebanon and Israel would indeed mean for our region the end of a history of wars and conflicts, and may well usher in a dialogue of civilization and an honorable competition in various domains the political, cultural, scientific and economy. Peace will certainly pose new questions to all sides, especially for the Arab side, who will wonder, after reviewing the past 50 years, whether the Arab-Israeli conflict was the one who solely defied the Arab unity or the one which frustrated it.
During the last half-century, in particular, the vision of the Arabs and their sufferings were totally ignored due to the lack of immediate opportunity for them which conveys their points of view to international opinion. And the last example of this is what we have witnessed during the last four days of attempts to muster international sympathy with a few thousand of settlers in the Golan, ignoring totally more than half a million Syrian people who were uprooted from tens of villages on the Golan where their forefathers lived for thousands of years and their villages were totally wiped out from existence.