Ivory Throne

by Manu S. Pillai

  Government consider that it is of utmost importance that all Government servants, particularly highly placed officers like Judges of the highest judiciary in the State, should not act in a manner likely to create communal friction or engender in the minds of the public doubts regarding their impartiality. In the circumstances, Government direct that in future, you should not take part in any public meeting of whatever character without their previous sanction.36

  The Nairs were not pleased by this presumption to tell their leaders off, and in 1930 yet again a representation was made to the Government of India with numerous old and new complaints about the Maharani’s administration. Led by G. Sankaran Nair who claimed that ‘large bodies of people’ were anxious to convey these views to the authorities, he called for constitutional government to be implemented in the state (presumably since direct calls for a Council of Regency had been declined).37 His main grievances were that there was excess dilatoriness in the government; that the Maharani had a pro-Brahmin policy; and that the Valiya Koil Tampuran and his supporters enjoyed too much power. ‘I do not consider,’ wrote the Resident, that these allegations ‘amounted to a very serious indictment of the Travancore administration and much of what he said I had heard before.’38 Rama Varma, as usual, was decried as a ‘half-educated usurper’39 with Mr Nair going on to say,

  As I told you, the people of Travancore have nothing but respect for the person of the Maharani Regent. … But they feel convinced that she, being too good a wife, has abdicated her functions in favour of her husband, the Valiya Koil Tampuran, whose influence on the administration is found to be unwholesome. This Valiya Koil Tampuran has a Brahmin favourite named Kulathu Iyer and the general impression in the State is that both together are running the administration … Here I would like to point out that, in a talk I had with Mr M.E. Watts, the late Dewan of Travancore, just on the eve of his retirement, even he admitted to me that the impression referred to above was fairly correct and he himself was forced to resign office on account of the unwarranted interference of the Valiya Koil Tampuran in state matters.40

  The Kulathu Iyer named was the ‘Palace Special Officer’ and was to serve the Maharani and her husband for many years as their man Friday. His especial talent lay in ferreting out useful nuggets of information through a vast network of friends and agents of his own. As Sethu Lakshmi Bayi’s nephew would later tell, this man, in his bandhgala, mundu, with a shawl always tied around his waist, and his kudumi ponytail swinging as he trotted about humming Carnatic tunes, was ‘shrewd, not dishonest. He wouldn’t antagonise anybody, and he wouldn’t cross swords with anybody. But he would still get his work done and do that which the Maharani and her husband could not directly do. He had no permanent enemies and no permanent friends, only a network of officials deep in the government that gave him information on who was whispering what and why.’41 The vagueness of his role came across in his very denomination as ‘Palace Special Officer’, and it is no wonder that to Nair opponents of Sethu Lakshmi Bayi, he seemed a most sinister character and a typical, wily Brahmin. As for Mr Watts’s claim that he had resigned because of undue interference by Rama Varma, successive Residents had dismissed this, not to speak of the truth that he had not, in reality, resigned, but on the contrary entertained hopes of serving another tenure as Dewan, till the Maharani effectively asked him to leave.

  In any case, Sankaran Nair deemed it ‘highly essential’ that the Regency should be at least modified, with a Council of Regency being imposed, if the authorities found themselves unable to take a more drastic decision. To him the Maharani’s rule was ‘a complete failure, and it is not an exaggeration to say that things never went so bad in Travancore within the last fifty years as they have done now’.42 The Resident did not give the representation more credit than necessary, pointing out that if there was any existing dominance of Brahmins in high positions, it was an inherited condition and not one of Sethu Lakshmi Bayi’s creation, adding that ‘in these days recruitment is freely made from non-Brahmin communities, and I believe that if the matter were impartially investigated, it would be proved beyond doubt that the Maharani Regent has pursued a more liberal policy in this respect than any of her predecessors’.43 The appointment of Christians as the Dewan, Chief Secretary, and a judge; of Ezhavas and Muslims as magistrates, not to speak of hundreds of job openings made available to minorities at lower levels, was unprecedented in ostensibly Hindu Travancore. It was this, after all, that caused the Viceroy also to praise the Maharani for taking a fair and impartial stand in the matter of appointments. Allegations against her husband were also dismissed as vague and unfounded.44

  As for the claim of Brahmin domination and dilatory administration, this arose because in selecting her new Dewan after Mr Watts, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi had placed her trust in V.S. Subramania Iyer, a Brahmin of Tamil origin. Previously a judge in the High Court, he had ‘an unbiased and dispassionate’ view of affairs of state, something that had apparently been found wanting in Mr Watts. He was also, however, a ‘cautious man’ who ‘lacked the tremendous drive’ of his predecessor, as a result of which in the final years of the Maharani’s reign, new projects were not taken up with as much gusto as before. Instead, completion of existing ventures became her principal focus.45 Mr Iyer was ‘a pleasant man to deal with’, accordingly to the Resident, ‘and I believe him to be conscientious and well-meaning’. However, ‘he is not a trained administrator, and I think he is naturally slow’.46 It is likely that having taken something of a risk in choosing Mr Watts, with results that scathed her when he no longer accepted her orders, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi now preferred a more orthodox executive, who would not stand in her way. As one commentator would note, the Maharani wanted a ‘look-wise-and-nod-assent’ Dewan, after the near-debacle with Mr Watts.47

  The administration, as a consequence, suffered and became somewhat tardy, causing at one time the Resident to wonder whether an Executive Council ought to be formed under the Dewan to ensure speedier transaction of business. This would remove the load off his shoulders and decentralise the top-heavy system. On reflection however, it was felt that this could be misconstrued as a Council of Regency in another garb, with the risk that Sethu Lakshmi Bayi’s ‘feelings would be hurt and she would inevitably be disturbed in mind, which is just what the Government of India desire to avoid’. Things were definitely slow under Mr Iyer, but ‘the Travancore State on the whole is fortunate in its Government’ and so, concluded the Resident, ‘I think we should leave well alone.’48

  By the end of 1929 Mr Crosthwaite’s term as Resident came to a conclusion and one Mr A.N.L. Cater arrived in Travancore in his stead. This was precisely the kind of situation that gave Sethu Lakshmi Bayi cause for worry. With an unseasoned Dewan in office, the onset of a new British representative opened up the possibility of compelling lobbying and propaganda being put up by rival factions. And as expected, an effort was made in this direction when Sir CP and Sir Vasudeva Rajah appeared in the capital together, with the latter calling on the new Resident on 1 January 1930 to discuss the Regency, and problems current in it.49 He also hinted, not very subtly, that Mr Cater should be careful about which ‘side’ he picked, for soon he would have the ear of none other than the Viceroy on a visit to Baroda. The threat backfired when the Resident reported its details to the Government of India, recommending that the Viceroy entertain no complaints from Sir Vasudeva if he saw him.50 For what could be called damage control, Sir CP then met with Mr Cater and had a long conversation with him on everything else but Travancore. Reportedly, this was under instructions from the Junior Maharani who was ‘very annoyed’ with Sir Vasudeva for ‘having made a false move in approaching me prematurely’.51

  The Maharajah’s mother was trying to do all she could to thwart plans being made for her son, vexed also by the failure of her latest efforts in London and Delhi. Her insistence that ‘motherly watching’ be permitted while he underwent administrative training was also turned down, and it was actually her cousin who had
a greater say in deciding details of the Maharajah’s future education, along with the Government of India. Sethu Lakshmi Bayi had at first suggested the name of none other than old Mr Raghavaiah as administrative tutor for her nephew. He was almost uniquely qualified, she felt, for this, having been Dewan of the state.52 But at the time the authorities were ‘loathe to lose his services’ in Pudukkottai, and she was asked to make alternative suggestions.53 Writing in reply, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi wisely laid the onus of finding a good tutor on the Resident and his superiors, anxious to avoid allegations later that she tried to influence the process and have an acolyte of hers appointed to a position of influence over the Maharajah:

  I do not know many who could be thought of for the appointment and naturally I am unwilling to recommend one about whose fitness for the responsible and important office I cannot speak with a certain authority. The prospective tutor should have large administrative experience, a high character, and a sober general outlook. As regards Mr Raghavaiah, his close knowledge of local conditions in Travancore will be an added advantage, as his claim to the other requisites cannot be challenged [and this praise despite her bad relations with him in 1925]. I therefore am of the opinion that one more fitted for the post than Mr Raghavaiah would be difficult to find. If, however, for other reasons, Mr Raghavaiah’s services cannot be made available, I would request that three names may be offered to me from which to select one. I have no doubt that you will understand that the reason for my attaching so much importance to the selection of the man proceeds from my realisation of the fact that the training His Highness is to get now may largely influence his later career as Ruler.54

  Indeed, despite poor relations with the Junior Maharani, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi does not seem to have harboured anything but good feelings towards her nephew, whom in any case she barely knew. During the black magic incident, she was pleased to hear that he had had nothing to do with it; she frequently sent him presents on his birthday and other festivals, and he too reciprocated. Sometimes, however, there were ruptures. After the black magic episode, when relations between the Maharanis were ‘as strained as ever’, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi sent her nephew, as usual, certain gifts on Onam day. But this time they were ‘returned by the Maharajah on the score that the cloth sent was inferior in quality’. While indeed the cloth was found to have faults, the Resident opined that this was still no excuse for ‘His Highness’ rudeness’ to his aunt.55 On other occasions such as Vishu when it was traditional for junior members of the royal family to call on the eldest, neither the Junior Maharani nor her son paid visits to Sethu Lakshmi Bayi to receive presents. In 1928, for instance, both went away from the capital, as the Maharajah’s mother ‘does not wish him to be in Trivandrum on Vishu day, while the Maharani Regent continues to dispense’ gifts to all others, including government officials.56 For their part, they resented that the Valiya Koil Tampuran, although he participated in processions on the Maharajah’s birthday and on other ceremonial occasions, failed to call on them and pay his respects as was expected of a consort.

  With regard to the Maharajah’s education, however, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi showed herself willing to go out of the way to find a suitable man. Recommendations came in from the Governor of Madras and other dignitaries, but none of them was deemed suitable; so the Maharani asked Delhi for their preference.57 Since Mr Raghavaiah was not available, her own choice now was for an older, retired official with no previous connections to Travancore. This, she felt, would remove the possible risk of the tutor later attempting to influence the Maharajah for high offices in the state, or of seeking other favours; a concern the Resident felt was ‘quite correct’.58 The Maharani added that she was prepared now to waive her previous conditions that the individual should be a south Indian Brahmin, and that he could not enjoy a salary higher than the Dewan’s. She now offered a princely sum of Rs 3,000 per month so as to acquire the best individual for the job.59

  It appears that there would be a distinct advantage in securing for the purpose an officer of proved ability and character, who has retired from British Indian service by superannuation. Firstly, he will be in a position to discharge his duties with detachment and uninfluenced by considerations of self-advancement, as his age would, on the face of it, preclude his entertaining much hope of getting any fat employment in the state in the years to come. Secondly, the influence of a sober, disciplined gentleman of mature years would, I believe, be a wholesome accession to the training the Maharajah is to get.60

  It was finally Mr Cater who suggested one P.C. Dutt, an ICS officer then serving as Collector of Madras. Heading one of the most important offices in India, and with wide experience in various departments, he was thought a perfect candidate. However, Dutt was not a Brahmin but a north Indian Kayastha, but since the Maharani had waived her demands on these counts, they were not considered disqualifications any more. In December 1929 officials of the Madras government called on her for a conference, after which she gave her official approval to the nomination. She only insisted on one specific condition, that despite higher pay, the tutor would not have precedence over the Dewan.61 M.V. Subramania Iyer, the old private secretary who had resigned, shocked by the black magic incident earlier, was persuaded to return; even at the time of his resignation Sethu Lakshmi Bayi had lamented the loss (stating how ‘a man of his age and sobriety might be regarded as some kind of moderating influence on the Junior Maharani’).62 His reinstatement was, therefore, happily welcomed.

  The first part of the Maharajah’s training was scheduled in Bangalore, with Sir Mirza Ismail, the Dewan of Mysore, assisting in finding suitable houses and making other arrangements for the use of the Travancore party. The Maharajah’s retinue was to include forty-five servants, including cooks and drivers, along with his private secretary and one ADC, while Mr Dutt was to be provided twelve servants and every convenience he desired.63 At this point the Junior Maharani again entered the picture, for though it had been decided that she was to play no part in her son’s administrative training, and that he would not live with her, she forwarded to the Viceroy a second appeal asking for leniency. A compromise was then reached, whereby the Political Secretary wrote to Mr Cater as follows:

  With regard to the request of the Junior Maharani to be allowed to take a house at the place where the young Maharajah is undergoing his training, I am to say that His Excellency recognises the natural anxiety of a mother to watch over her son at a critical period in his life, and is prepared to agree to her request as a tentative arrangement, on the understanding that the Maharajah will visit his mother at definite periods, say once a week, to be arranged beforehand. His Excellency, moreover, must retain full discretion to advice the Junior Maharani not to live in the same station as His Highness, if it is found that the young Maharajah is thereby prevented from gaining a sense of responsibility and ability to stand on his own feet, or if for any good reason the arrangement proves inconvenient.64

  In other words, while the Government of India were prepared to be lenient to the Junior Maharani, it would depend on her proactively not interfering in the routine and programme envisioned for her son. But either because she was upset by these terms or perhaps hoping to utilise Mr Cater’s newness to the scene, fresh complaints were then raised through Sir Vasudeva. In January 1930 she again wrote to the Resident expressing her disapproval at being excluded from planning the Maharajah’s training, also complaining that she had not been consulted before Mr Dutt was confirmed as the tutor. Once again, she stressed the need for maternal watch over the Maharajah during this time, and made it clear she was unhappy at being asked not to go with her son during the period of his training.65 Nothing came out of this, however, and it was calmly pointed out that these decisions were taken by the Government of India, and that even previous appointments, such as in Captain Harvey’s case, were decided at higher levels, with no input from the Junior Maharani.66 They were, however, happy to have her views on members of the Maharajah’s household, his date of departure, management of f
inances and so on. The Resident also informed the Junior Maharani that the period of training was provisionally fixed for one year in Bangalore, with an interval at six months, and permission to visit Travancore for religious ceremonies at which the Maharajah’s presence was mandatory.67

  The Maharajah was to leave the capital on 20 April 1930, but as the date for his departure approached, the Junior Maharani became ‘rather cantankerous and obstructive’.68 But tantrums were ignored and by 23 April her son reached Bangalore and commenced the final stage of his education, for the first time removed from his mother. In the meantime, instead of taking up the offer to stay separately in the city and to see her son on regular occasions, the Junior Maharani proceeded to Ooty. Soon a new set of requests were submitted through Sir CP, asking for progress reports that were sent to Sethu Lakshmi Bayi to be despatched to the Maharajah’s mother also, and a special amount for rent should she decide to maintain a residence in Bangalore.69 Both requests were accepted, but what pleased everyone more was that the training seemed to be doing the Maharajah good. In only a matter of days it was reported that ‘in a small but significant way’, the boy had ‘shown his relief at being released from the bondage of his mother’s apron strings’.70 A preliminary assessment of his progress was also forwarded to the Government of India by June:

  Dutt reports that he is attentive and ready to learn, though without showing great keenness, and both he and Harvey complain that he lacks initiative and healthy inquisitiveness. I ascribe this chiefly to the repressive nature of his upbringing and perhaps in part to his poor physique, and I have advised his Tutors not to expect or aim at too rapid a development of character. Some difficulty has been experienced in finding suitable companions of his own age, but through the good offices of the Dewan [of Mysore], two or three boys were found and have been invited to tennis parties, etc. The Maharajah has, however, shown little desire to cultivate their acquaintance. His social manners and behaviour are excellent and in this respect he seems to create a favourable impression upon all whom he meets.71