The Other Side of Midnight
Page 1
THE OTHER SIDE OF
MIDNIGHT:
TAXICAB STORIES
St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador
2012
© 2012, Mike Heffernan
We gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Canada Council for the
Arts, the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund (CBF),
and the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador through the Department of Tourism,
Culture and Recreation for our publishing program.
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Cover Design by Darren Whalen
Layout by Todd Manning and Amy Fitzpatrick
Printed on acid-free paper
Published by
CREATIVE PUBLISHERS
an imprint of CREATIVE BOOK PUBLISHING
a Transcontinental Inc. associated company
P.O. Box 8660, Stn. A
St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador A1B 3T7
Printed in Canada by:
TRANSCONTINENTAL INC.
Heffernan, Mike, 1978-
The other side of midnight : taxicab stories / Mike Heffernan.
ISBN 978-1-897174-96-8
1. Taxicab drivers--Newfoundland and Labrador--St. John’s.
2. Taxicab drivers--Newfoundland and Labrador--St. John’s-Social conditions.
3. Taxicab industry--Newfoundland and Labrador-
St. John’s. I. Title.
HD8039.T162C3 2012 388.4'13214097181 C2012-904660-4
“With Taxicab Stories, Heffernan has meticulously crafted a timely, historically insightful collection of tales told from the front lines of one of the world’s oldest professions. Brace yourself for a scrappy, page-turning exposé full of stark black humour, raw violence and gut-wrenching compassion. You’ll never hail a cab, or cruise the streets of St. John’s, quite the same again.”
– Joel Thomas Hynes,
author of Down to the Dirt and Right Away Monday
For Lesley.
And the taxicab drivers of St. John’s.
“Work, is, by its very nature, about violence—to the spirit as well as to the body. It is about ulcers as well as accidents, about shouting matches as well as fistfights, about nervous breakdowns as well as kicking the dog around. It is, above all (or beneath all), about daily humiliations. To survive the day is triumph enough for the walking wounded among the great many of us.”
– Studs Terkel, Working
“I taxied up and down this town since 1954
Wore out ten or a dozen cars over thirty years or more
Drove the other side of midnight to the clear edge of dawn
Heard a whole lot of wasn’t right
And more of what was wrong.”
– Ron Hynes, “Killer Cab” from Face to the Gale
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION
A Hard Way of Life
THE GOOD OL’ DAYS
The Early Taxicab Industry
The Last of the Old Taxi Men
It Was Steady Go—Steady Belt
The Best Taxi Driver in St. John’s
The Taxi Inspector
The Knight Riders
Concrete Jungle
DEAD TIME
Financial Hardships
Sacrifices
Raising a Family
Self-Discipline
The State of the Economy
All They Were Interested in Was Eating
Cut Off at the Knees
There Is No Life as a Taxi Driver
I’m Stuck at This
Just a Girl Driving a Taxi
Poor-Mouthing
I Need this Job
A Bunch of Cutthroats
If You Want to Drive, Get Your Own Cab
Have a Nice Day, My Darling
What it All Boils Down To
The Nature of the Business
Sky Pilots
The Downtown Rush
A Vicious Cycle
Make the Most of What You Got
Cribbing
Costing Regular Business
They Got to Get These Cars Moving
The Last Time We Got a Raise
A Peaceful Demonstration
Fighting Over Scraps
THE CITY’S TEEMING ENTRAILS
Scenes From the Underground
Over Aggressive—That’s One Way to Put It
I Won’t Touch a Drop
The Rich Man’s Drug
An Eye-Opening Experience
A Dealer on Every Corner
Reapers
Stolen Meat
On the Rob
I Got to Move My Stuff
A Backyard Tour of Duckworth Street
Who Flushed All the Ecstasy Down the Toilet?
The Government Pays a Fortune
What Happens Between You and the Driver
There Are No Prostitutes in St. John’s
A Common Practice
Keep It in Your Pants
What Happened to the Business?
HACKED TO DEATH
Work-Related Violence.
A Hard Case
Getting Set Up
Just Out of Dorchester
A Sobeys Bag Full of Beer
Guys Like You in Prison
Level-Headed
I’m Not a Tough Person
Going to War
You Can’t Leave the Scene of an Accident
Getting Sick in the Back Seat
Zombies
I Never Heard Nothing Until I Got into This
Dealing with Drunken Women
They Don’t Know They’re in the Car
You Get Fucked Over, and No One Gives a Fuck
Doing the Cops a Favour
A People Person
Hotheaded
Violence is Not the Answer
EPILOGUE
Honesty is the Road to Poverty
A Note on Sources
Acknowledgements
Introduction
A Hard Way of Life
“A taxi driver has a way of life. Someone who drives taxi has an occupation. One is a subculture; the other is a job.”
– unpublished diary;
quoted in Kimberly Berry, The Last Cowboy
The first horse-drawn taxis in St. John’s appeared on Water Street in the 1860s. By the start of the First World War, automobiles operating as taxicabs arrived in the city. The industry then went through a boom during the Second World War to accommodate the influx of thousands of Allied (American, British and Canadian) troops. There are now 364 taxis and anywhere from 500 to 1,000 full and part-time taxi drivers operating in St. John’s. Exact numbers are difficult to determine because the city only keeps a record of taxicab licence holders. But, outside of the stereotypes, the public doesn’t know much about the working lives of taxicab drivers. Even taxi drivers in cities like New York, where they number somewhere in the neighborhood of 40,000, have had surprisingly few serious studies devoted to them.
The Other Side of Midnight: Taxicab Stories is not a traditional history of the St. John’s taxicab industry. Instead, it’s a collection of first-person monologues based on approximately forty interviews conducted with taxicab drivers and dispatchers over the course of more th
an three years. Incorporating elements of creative non-fiction and oral history, it describes the commonly shared experiences of an underrecorded portion of Newfoundland’s working class.
This book explores the daily experiences of its subjects, as well as their thoughts and feelings about their choice of career and their clients. Every segment of our society, from the elite to the marginal, utilizes their services: business executives, drug pushers, tourists and prostitutes. Comical, absurd and often dramatic, their reminiscences are of long hours and years on the job, high hopes and decayed dreams.
Many St. John’s taxi drivers have been working behind the wheel for decades. They have witnessed the city evolve from relative poverty and isolation to the post-1990s financial upswing and the “boomtown” phenomenon that a great deal of of them believe has followed closely on its heels. But it’s important to read these monologues within their proper context. As historian Jean Barman has pointed out, “Perceptions of past experiences are often filtered through a contemporary lens.” The interviews, or monologues, presented in this book compose a chorus of voices whose lives have often been ground down by years of economic uncertainty. Long gone are the aspirations of their youth. They drive a cab not by choice but by necessity. The answers to the questions posed to them were often shaped by that resignation.
Parallel to this, a major hurdle with the research was finding willing interview subjects. As soon as a microphone was turned on the taxicab drivers were often unsure about the process, even after anonymity was guaranteed. In fact, it was explicit that details would be masked to hide their identity. This book does not name names nor does it target specific companies. Only several former and current stand owners and cab drivers are identified; the rest are pseudonyms. The book does, however, identify industry-wide problems.
The modern nature of the taxi business has made many drivers nervous. They fear retaliation from their employers as well as their co-workers. Even the Commission of Inquiry into the St. John’s Taxicab Industry, established in 1990 to “complete a comprehensive review of the taxi industry and to determine the appropriateness of the existing Taxi Bylaw,” couldn’t get more than a few drivers to come forward to air their grievances. Instead, the city heard from the fleet owners and the brokers (a multiple-lease holder who rents his cars to taxicab drivers for an even share of the profits). This book lets the taxicab drivers of St. John’s speak for themselves without fear of recrimination.
There are standby lots spread out all over the city, places where drivers wait for the dispatcher to send them on a job: strip malls, gravel patches just off the main roads, colleges and government buildings. Taxis wait at airports and at hotels with which the company has a contract. These were the sites of most interviews. Some were in homes; some were in coffee shops. As to finding interview subjects, a taxicab driver occasionally introduced a friend. Other drivers were approached blindly but often without much success.
Many interviews were conducted while the driver waited for a job. If one took place in a taxi, the driver sat alone up front and the microphone was placed on the armrest. When little or no background information was available, form questions were posed: When did you start taxiing? What companies have you worked for? Has it been an enjoyable or negative experience?While some interviews lasted for more than an hour—and a few taxicab drivers availed themselves for follow-ups—most spoke for just twenty minutes or so. The structure of the book was determined by those brief but highly informative interviews.
Only a few of the chapters within this book are life stories, or self-contained narratives. Most are snapshots of a specific incident gleaned from a longer interview. These monologues are divided by title but connected thematically, and they are often introduced by brief commentary. Oftentimes a taxi driver will speak more than once and at different points about a variety of subjects.
This book also addresses change in the periphery—the social, cultural and physical landscape of St. John’s—and how the taxicab industry has adapted. Sometimes this change was technological, like the introduction of radios, fare meters and snow tires, while other times it was less tangible and more incremental, like the disappearance of the neighbourhood stands and the emergence of the fleets. But for the taxicab drivers themselves, working conditions have remained relatively static. Most are working poor, and few enjoy real job security. In fact, in some respects, conditions have worsened. Large fleets have consumed the vast majority of small taxi stands, creating a soft monopoly which contributes to the drivers’ inability to affect change. In fact, outside of a handful of individually operated taxis, the neighbourhood stand has vanished. Taxicab drivers are no longer represented by a unified organization. The office of the taxi inspector, once a full-time position, has now been reduced to two Bylaw Enforcement Officers who are responsible for the administration of a whole host of municipal bylaws. Increases in drop rates, the amount one pays for just getting in a cab, play catch-up to inflation and operating costs.
This sample of interviews does not account for the working lives of all St. John’s taxicab drivers. For some, it is a positive experience, reinforced by relationships formed with customers over years of reliable service, camaraderie with fellow drivers and economic independence. But these interviews do reveal that a significant number of taxicab drivers don’t have the means to rise above the mire of the working poor, the dead end that can be driving a taxicab. The difficulty to earn minimum wage, despite working fifteen hours a day, seven days a week, was a recurring theme. One driver, a middle-aged former tradesperson who couldn’t find employment in his field even with twenty years of job experience, said, “My wife once asked me why I keep at it. I told her, ‘Because no one else will have me.’”
The Good Ol’ Days
The Early Taxi Cab Industry
“In the old days, a fellow got big tips and didn’t have to push a hack for sixteen hours; when he didn’t have to fracture his skull climbing over a cab in front of him; when the streets weren’t crowded with trucks and cars.”
– Emil Hendrickson, New York cab driver,
from Graham Russell Gao Hodges,
Taxi!: A Social History of the New York City Cabdriver
The people of St. John’s wouldn’t have heard the word “cab” or “cabriolet” until at least 1820. It referred to horse-drawn carriages with two or four wheels, which seated up to four people. During the Victorian Era, the word “taxi” didn’t mean much, either. Popularized in the United States, its origins are actually German. The “taxi meter,” invented by Wilhelm Bruhn in 1905, recorded fares based on time and distance traveled. The word “taxicab” only became popular with the significant increase in automobile use in the early twentieth century. While the history books are pretty mute on the St. John’s taxicab industry, we do know that by the 1860s cab stands appeared at Haymarket Square and Post Office Square on the east end of Water Street. By the 1870s, cabs had become so numerous that the city began the process of regulation. But that’s where the historical narrative seems to end. Even the provincial and city archives are relatively silent on early taxicabs.
The story picks up again not long after automobiles began to appear in St. John’s around 1905. Just prior to the First World War, the number of taxicabs operating in the city had grown enough that, in February 1912, the municipal council adopted “Cab Fare and Regulations for the City of St. John’s.” It required cab drivers to be licensed before plying for hire, to be eighteen years old and to have their cabs regularly inspected by a city official.
But that commercial activity held little resemblance to today’s large fleets and brokerage system. Cabs were operated by one or two men who drove an automobile in the summer and, at the first sign of cold weather, put it into storage. A horse and side-sled were then used during the winter. At that time, Water Street and Duckworth Street were mud-clogged in the fall and spring and nearly impassable in the winter. The steep hills were treacherous, and the side streets were little more than pathways beaten down i
nto the dirt. Automobiles simply couldn’t get around. In fact, carriages operated well into the late 1920s. Anyone owning a cab went to the harbour and to the railway station on the east end of Water Street looking for a “hobble,” or casual work. Some operated as tour cars. P. W. Patterson, who had a taxicab stand on the corner of Military Road and Gower Street, advertised his services in The Evening Telegram: “First Class Touring Cars, of high power, driven by expert chauffeurs for hire.”
The first modern taxi stand to appear in St. John’s was Station Taxi. Other stands soon followed—Grey Taxi, Blue Taxi and Hotel Taxi—expanding into what could be best described as a public utility. It was illegal for taxicab drivers to cruise for fares. To insure best mileage and easy access to customers, they stuck around the Post Office and the Courthouse, resulting in street congestion. For the first time, the city emerged from a passive role to impose some order on the industry by getting taxis off the main streets and limiting companies to five cars. A letter to St. John’s City Council from the Department of the Colonial Secretary addressed their concerns: “For traffic purposes the cabmen now having stands in front of the Post Office and in front of the Courthouse should be removed from Water Street to some of the rear streets.”
By the early 1930s, the country had plunged into the depths of the global economic Depression. Ninety thousand Newfoundlanders were on the “dole,” or public assistance, with one third of the population living on 6 cents a day. In St. John’s, unemployment was particularly visible. Throngs of men hung around the wharves and piers along the harbour, outside warehouses and on street corners. With no alternative for work, some turned to taxiing. At the height of the Depression, there were upwards of twenty taxi stands competing for hire where just five years before there were six. Many operated from residential homes while others had no known fixed address. Financially unable or unwilling to repair or replace their vehicles, unlicensed operators were continually entering and exiting the industry. They had become so numerous the city requested that the Newfoundland Constabulary “assist in rounding them up.”