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Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

Page 24

by Quintus Curtius Rufus


  [9] These practices, corrupted by luxury and foreign customs, were openly detested by the veteran soldiers of Philip, a people novices in voluptuousness, and in the whole camp the feeling and the talk of all was the same, namely, that more had been lost by victory [10] than had been gained by war; that it was then above all that they themselves were conquered men, when they had surrendered themselves to alien and foreign habits. With what face, pray, would they return to their homes, as if in the attire of prisoners? The king was already ashamed of them since, resembling the vanquished rather than the victors, he had changed from a ruler of Macedonia to a satrap of [11] Darius. The king, not unaware that the chief of his friends, and the army as well, were grievously offended, tried to win back their favour by liberality and by bounty. But, in my opinion, the price of [12] slavery is hateful to free men. Therefore, that the situation might not result in mutiny, it was necessary to put an end to their leisure by war, the material for which was opportunely increasing.

  [13] For Bessus, having assumed regal attire, had given orders that he should be called Artaxerxes, and was assembling the Scythians and the rest of the peoples dwelling by the Tanais.

  This was announced by Satibarzanes, whom Alexander had received under his protection and had made satrap of the region which he had formerly governed.

  [14] And since the army, laden with spoils and the equipment of luxury, could with difficulty be moved, he ordered first his own baggage, then that of the whole army, to be gathered together in their midst, except 16 what was absolutely necessary. There was a spacious plain, into which they had driven the loaded wagons. When all were wondering what the king was going to order next, he commanded that the animals be led away, and, when he had first applied a torch to his [16] own pack, that the rest be burned. There were consumed, set on fire by their owners, the riches to save which unharmed from the cities of the enemy they had often extinguished flames, and no one dared to weep for the price of his blood, when the [17] same fire was consuming the king’s wealth. Then in a short time reason soothed their grief, and, prepared for military service and ready for everything, they rejoiced that jettison had been made of their packs, and not of their discipline. —

  [18] Therefore they were making for the region of Bactra But the carrying off of Nicanor, son of Parminion by a sudden death had been a cause of great grief to all. The king, saddened more than the others, desired to halt in order to be present at his funeral, but scarcity of supplies caused him to hasten; therefore, leaving Philotas with 2600 men to perform the due rites for his brother, he hurried on to meet Bessus.

  [20] As he was on his way, letters were brought to him from the neighbouring satraps, from which he learned that Bessus was in fact coming to meet him with hostile intent with his army, but also that Satibarzanes, whom he himself had given charge of the [21] satrapy of the Arii, had revolted from him. Therefore, although eager to meet Bessus, yet thinking it best to make it his first business to crush Satibarzanes, he led out his light-armed troops and his cavalry forces, and marching swiftly all night, came [22] unexpectedly upon the enemy. On learning of is arrival Satibarzanes with 2000 horsemen — or he had not been able in his haste to muster more — fled for refuge to Bactra, the rest took possession of the [23] neighbouring mountains. There is a rock, very steep on its western side, but towards the east sinking with a gentler slope; covered with many trees, it has a perennial fount, from which there is an abundant flow of water. Its circuit covers thirty-two stadia. On its summit is a grass-covered plain; on this they ordered those who were not fit for war to take their places. They themselves piled tree-trunks and stones against the slope of the rock. They [28] numbered 13,000 armed men. Leaving Craterus to blockade these, he hastened in pursuit of Satibarzanes. But because he had learned that the barbarian was a long distance away, he returned to storm those who had taken possession of the mountain [26] heights. And first he ordered to be cleared whatever road they would be able to traverse; then, when impassable crags and precipices presented themselves, the labour seemed hopeless against the [27] opposition of Nature. But Alexander, being always of a mind to wrestle with difficulties, since to advance was a hard task and to return dangerous, considered all kinds of expedients as his mind suggested one after another — as is usual when we reject every first thought.

  As he was at a loss, chance offered a plan which calculation could not suggest. There was a strong west wind, and the soldiers had cut a great amount of wood when trying to make an approach over the stones. This, dried by the heat, had caught fire; [29] therefore he ordered other trees to be piled on, and fuel to be given to the flames, and soon, as the trunks were heaped up, they equalled the height of [30] the mountain. Then fire was thrown upon it from every side and kindled the whole mass. The wind drove the flames into the faces of the enemy, a great [31] smoke had hidden the sky as if by a cloud. The woods roared from the conflagration, and those parts also to which the soldiers had not set fire, took fire themselves, and burned everything that was near them. The barbarians tried to escape the worst of torments, if the fire died down anywhere, but where the flames gave a passage the enemy awaited them.

  [32] Hence they were destroyed by varied forms of death; some threw themselves into the midst of the flames, others down from the rocks, some offered themselves to the hands of the enemy, a few, half roasted, came into their power.

  [33] From there he returned to Craterus, who was besieging Artacana. He, having prepared everything beforehand, was awaiting the coming of the king, leaving to him the honour of capturing the city, [34] as was right. Therefore Alexander ordered towers to be brought up; and at the mere sight the terrified barbarians on the walls, stretching out their hands, palms up, began to entreat him to reserve his anger for Satibarzanes, the ringleader of the revolt, and to spare the suppliants who surrendered themselves. The king pardoned them, and not only put an end to the siege, but returned all their property to the inhabitants.

  [35] When he had left this city, a reserve of new soldiers met him; Zoilus had brought 500 soldiers from Greece, Antipater had sent 3000 from Illyrieum, with Philip there were 130 Thessalian cavalry, from Lydia 2600 foreign troops had come, and 300 horsemen of the same race followed. With the addition of these forces he entered the land of the Drangae, a warlike tribe. Their satrap was Barzaentes, an accomplice with Bessus in the crime against his king; he, fearing the punishment which he had deserved, fled to India.

  VII. Already Alexander had been encamped for nine days in the same place, when, being not only safe from force from without, but unconquered, he was attacked by a crime within his own household.

  [2] Dymnus, a man of slight weight and favour with the king, burned with love for a catamite named Nicomachus, bound by the compliance of a body devoted [3] to him alone. He, as if in great alarm, as could clearly be seen also from his expression, without witnesses withdrew with the youth into a temple, first saying that he had something secret and confidential to communicate, and when the youth was on tiptoe [4] of expectation, he besought him by their affection for each other, and by the pledges which they had both exchanged, to declare under oath that he would keep silent about what Dymnus should reveal to him.

  [5] Nicomachus, not supposing that he would tell him anything which it would be incumbent on him to disclose even at the cost of breaking his word, took oath by the gods in whose temple they were. Then Dymnus revealed that a plot against the king had been arranged for the third day thereafter, and that he shared in that design with some brave and distinguished men.

  The youth, on hearing this, steadfastly denied that he had pledged his faith to take part in treason, and said that he could not be bound by any religious obligation to keep the crime secret. Dymnus, mad both with love and with fear, seizing the youth’s hand and weeping, begged first that he would take part in the design and its execution; if he could not bring himself to do that, at least he would not betray him, whose goodwill towards Nicomachus, besides all the rest, had this very evident proof, that he
had trusted his life to his loyalty without previously testing it.

  Finally, when the youth persisted in expressing abhorrence of the crime, Dymnus tried to terrify him by fear of death, saying that the conspirators would [11] begin their glorious deed by taking his life. Then calling him now effeminate and womanishly timid, and now the betrayer of his lover, now making vast promises, sometimes even royal power, he worked upon a mind to which such a deed was utterly abhorrent. Then applying a drawn sword, now to Nicomachus’ throat and now to his own, at the same time a suppliant and an enemy, Dymnus at last forced him to promise, not only silence, but even support.

  [13] Yet the lad, being of a most steadfast spirit — indeed he should have been chaste — had made no change in his former resolution, but pretended that, overcome with [14] love for Dymnus, he could refuse him nothing. Then he went on to inquire with whom he had entered upon an association of so great importance; it made a great deal of difference, he said, what sort of men were going to put their hands to so memorable an [15] enterprise. Dymnus, almost crazed by love and guilt, at the same time thanked him, and also congratulated him that he had not hesitated to join with the bravest of men, Demetrius, one of the body-guard, Peucolaus, Nicanor; to these he added Aphobetus, Iolaüs, Theoxenus, Archepolis, Amyntas.

  [16] On being dismissed from this conference, Nicomachus reported to his brother — his name was Cebalinus — what he had heard. They agreed that Nicomachus should stay in his brother’s tent, for fear that, if he, who was not accustomed to approach the king, should enter the royal apartment, the conspirators might learn that they had been betrayed.

  [17] Cebalinus himself stood before the vestibule of the tent — for nearer access was not allowed him — waiting for someone of the first rank of the king’s friends, [18] to admit him to Alexander’s presence. It happened that when the rest had been dismissed, Philotas, son of Parmenion, alone — it is not known for what reason — had remained in the royal apartment; to him Cebalinus, in confused words and showing signs of great perturbation, disclosed what he had learned from his brother, and asked that it be reported to the [19] king without delay. Philotas, after strongly commending him, at once went in to Alexander, and having talked with him for some time about other matters, reported nothing of what he had learned [20] from Cebalinus. Towards evening the young man met Philotas in the vestibule of the royal apartment, as he was coming out, and asked him whether he had done what he requested. Philotas alleged that the king had had no time to talk with him, [21] and went away. On the following day Cebalinus was on hand when Philotas came to the royal apartment, and reminded him, as he entered, of the matter which he had communicated to him the day before. Philotas replied that he was attending to it, but did not even then disclose to the king what he [22] had heard. Cebalinus began to suspect him, and so, thinking that there ought to be no further obstruction, he told a young nobleman — his name was Metron — who had charge of the armoury, of the [23] crime which was being planned. He, after having concealed Cebalinus in the armoury, at once revealed to the king, who chanced to be taking a bath, what [24] the informer had reported. The king sent his attend ants to arrest Dymnus, and entered the armoury. There Cebalinus, transported with joy, said: — I have you safe, snatched from the hands of impious men.” Then Alexander, after inquiring about all the particulars, learned the whole matter in detail. And again the king went on to inquire how long it was since Nicomachus had given him the information And when Cebalinus admitted that it was two days before, Alexander, thinking him of doubtful loyalty in reporting so long afterwards what he had [27] heard ordered that he be put in fetters. But Cebalinus began to cry out that at the very moment that he had heard of it he had run to Philotas; that it was by him that what he had learned was concealed.

  [28] When the king asked again and again whether he had gone to Philotas, and whether he had urged him that they should go to Alexander and Cebalinus persisted in affirming what he had said, the king, raising his hands to heaven, with flowing tears began to lament that such requital had been made him by one who had formerly been the dearest of his friends.

  [29] In the meantime Dymnus, well aware why he was summoned by the king, gave himself a severe wound with a sword which he chanced to be wearing, and being stopped by the guards who ran up, was [30] brought into the royal apartment. The king, looking him in the eye, said: “What great wrong have I planned against you, Dymnus, that you should think Philotas more worthy to rule the Macedonians, than I am myself?” But speech had already failed Dymnus; and so, uttering a groan and averting his face from the king’s gaze, he forthwith swooned and died.

  [31] The king, having ordered Philotas to come to the royal tent, said: “Cebalinus deserved the extreme penalty, if he concealed for two days a plot aimed at my life; but he has substituted Philotas as the one guilty of that offence, since he declares that he immediately reported the information to him.

  The closer the degree of friendship which you have with me, the greater is the crime of your secrecy, and I at any rate admit that such action becomes Cebalinus rather than Philotas. You have a favourable judge, if what ought not to have been done can at least be excused.”

  [33] To these words Philotas, in no wise disturbed, if his feelings were judged from his expression, replied that Cebalinus had, it was true, reported to him the talk of a wanton, but that he himself put no trust in an authority of so little weight, fearing besides lest he should be laughed at by the rest if he reported [34] a quarrel between a lover and his favourite; but since Dymnus had made away with himself, it ought not to have been passed over in silence, whatever its nature was. Then, throwing his arms about the king, he began to entreat him to have regard to his past life rather than to a fault which, after all, was only [35] one of silence, and not of any action I could not readily say whether the king believed him, or suppressed his anger deep in his heart; he offered him his right hand as a pledge of renewed favour, saying that it appeared to him that the information was scorned rather than concealed.

  VIII. Then, having called a council of his friends, to which however Philotas was not invited, he ordered [2] Nicomachus to be brought before it. The youth set forth in order the same information that his brother had given to the king. Craterus was dearer to Alexander than most of his friends, and for that reason less friendly to Philotas, as his rival in importance, he was well aware too that Philotas had often wearied the ears of Alexander by excessive vaunting of his valour and his services, and hence was suspected, not indeed of crime, but of arrogance. Thinking that there would be no more advantageous opportunity of ruining his enemy, disguising his hatred under a pretence of loyalty, he said: — I only wish that at the very beginning of this matter you [5] had deliberated with us! We should have persuaded you if you wished to pardon Philotas, to suffer him to be ignorant how much he was indebted to you, rather than, after he had been brought even to the very fear of death, to think more often of his own danger than of your kindness. For he will always be able to plot against you, you will not always be able to pardon [6] Philotas. There is no reason for you to think that one who has dared so much can be changed by a pardon. He knows that those who have exhausted [7] mercy can no longer hope for it. But even if he himself, either through change of heart or overcome by your kindness, shall wish to remain quiet, I at any rate know that his father Parmenion, the leader of so great an army, and because of his long-continued influence with his soldiers holding a position not much below the height of your greatness, will not with equanimity [8] owe his son’s life to you. There are some favours which we hate. One is ashamed to admit that one has deserved death; therefore, Philotas would prefer to seem to have suffered an injury rather than to have been granted his life. Therefore be sure that you will have to fight with those men for your life. There are enemies enough left, in pursuit of whom we are about to go; guard yourself against domestic foes. If you get rid of these, I fear nothing from without.

  [10] Thus spoke Craterus. And the rest did not doubt that
Philotas would not have suppressed the evidence of the conspiracy, unless he had been its ringleader or a participant in it. For who, if a loyal man, and of good intention, not to say a friend, but even one of the lowest condition, on hearing what had been revealed to Philotas, would not at once have hastened [11] to the king? To think that the son of Parmenion, as commander of the cavalry a confidant of all the king’s secrets, was not moved even by the example of Cebalinus, who had announced to him what he had learned from his brother! That he also pretended that the king had no time to talk with him, for fear that the informer might seek another intermediary!

  [12] Nicomachus, even though bound by an oath to the gods, had hastened to unburden his conscience; Philotas, after spending the whole day in amusement and merriment, had found it difficult to find room, in so long and perhaps superfluous a talk, for a few words [13] relating to the life of his king! But, he says, he did not believe mere boys who brought such information. Why then did he prolong the time for two days, as if he had faith in their testimony? Cebalinus ought to have been dismissed, if Philotas rejected his information. In the time of his own danger everyone ought to have great courage; when fears were felt for the safety of their king, they ought to be credulous and to listen even to those who bring false information.

  [15] All therefore decided that Philotas should be put to the torture, in order that he might be forced to name the participants in the crime. The king dismissed them, after admonishing them to keep silent about his plans. Then he ordered a march to be announced for the following day, lest any indication of the decisions entered on should be given to [16] the guilty parties. Philotas was even invited to a banquet, which was his last, and the king had the heart, not only to dine with him, but even to talk familiarly with the man whom he had condemned.

 

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