Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  [21] “And, I pray you, allow me to meet first the charge which you last made against me. We, Sire, are conscious of no language directed against your majesty. I would say that you have long since risen superior to ill-will, if there were not danger lest you might believe that other more malicious words were [22] being purged away by flattering language. But even if some harsher speech had been heard from a soldier of yours, either when wearied and worn out on the march or encountering danger in battle, or in his tent when ailing and attending to his wounds, we have deserved by brave deeds that you should prefer to impute it to our exigency rather than to ill-will.

  [23] Whenever anything especially sad happens, we are all criminals; we turn hostile hands against our own bodies, which we in no way hate; parents, if they oppose their children, become disliked and hated. On the other hand, when we are honoured by gifts, when we return loaded with prizes, who can endure us? who can master that enthusiasm of spirit? With soldiers neither their indignation nor their joy is restrained; we are carried away with violence to all emotions. We blame, we praise; we pity, we show anger, just as the present emotion affects us; now it pleases us to go to India and the Ocean, now the memory of wives and children and of fatherland causes opposition.

  [25] “But to these thoughts, these words of those who talk together, the signal given by the trumpet puts an end; we hasten each to his own place in the ranks, and whatever anger had been conceived in the tent is discharged upon the heads of the enemy. Would that Philotas also had confined his wrongdoing to [26] words! Therefore let me return to the matter about which we are being accused. The friendship that we had with Philotas I am so far from denying, that I admit that we both sought from it and gained from it [27] great fruitage. Or indeed do you wonder that the son of Parrnenion, whom you have been pleased to have next in rank to yourself, surpassing almost all [28] your friends in distinction, was courted by us? You, by Heaven!, if you are willing to listen to the truth, Sire, are the cause of our present jeopardy. For who else brought it about that those who wished to please you should run to Philotas? It is because we were recommended by him that we have mounted to our present rank in your friendship; he held such a place in your estimation, that we might seek his [29] favour and fear his anger. Have we not, all of us soldiers, sworn, if not almost in your own words, at least in the form dictated by you, that we would regard the same men as enemies and friends as yourself? Bound as we were by this oath of loyalty, we were, forsooth, to be unfriendly to one [30] whom you preferred to all others! Therefore, if this is a crime, you have few who are blameless, nay, by Heaven, not one. For all wished to be friends of Philotas, but not all those who wished to be could be. So, if you do not distinguish his friends from the guilty, you will not separate, either, from his friends those who have wished to be such.

  [31] “What evidence of guilty knowledge, then, is brought against us? I suppose it is because the day before he talked with us familiarly and without witnesses. But I could not excuse myself, if on that, day I had made any change in my former life and custom. So, now that on that day also which is the object of suspicion we did what we did every day, adherence to custom will free us from guilt.

  [32] “But we did not hand over the horses to Antiphanes, and that too on the day before Philotas was unmasked. This will be a matter between me and Antiphanes. If he wished to expose us to suspicion because on that day we did not give him the horses, he will not be able to justify himself because he asked [33] for them then. For the guilt is in doubt as between him who retained them and him who demanded them, except that the cause of one who did not give up what was his own is better than that of one who [31] demanded what belonged to another. As a matter of fact, Sire, I had ten horses, of which Antiphanes had already distributed eight to those who had lost their own and I myself had left but two in all; when that most insolent man, at any rate the most unfair, wished to lead away these, I was forced to retain [35] them unless I wished to fight on foot. And I do not deny that I spoke to him in the spirit of a free man, addressing one of the basest and one who enjoyed only this privilege of military service, of distributing the horses of others to those who were going to fight. For it has come to this condition of evils, that I must excuse my words at the same time both to Alexander and to Antiphanes!

  [36] “But, by Heaven! your mother has written that we are your enemies. Would that her solicitude for her son had been accompanied by more prudence, and that she had not through anxiety of mind pictured vain phantoms! For why does she not add the reason for her fear? finally, why does she not reveal the authority for it? By what deed or word of ours was [37] she moved to write you so agitated a letter? O wretched fortune of mine, since perhaps it is not more dangerous to be silent than to speak! But whatever the result may be, I prefer that it should be my manner of defence rather than my cause that displeases you. But you will admit what I am about to say; for you remember that when you sent me to bring soldiers from Macedonia, you said that there were many young men fit for service who were hidden [38] away in your mother’s palace. Therefore you instructed me that I should regard no one except you, but should bring to you those who declined military service. This I did, and I executed your order with more zeal than was expedient for me. I brought from there Gorgias, Hecataeus, and Gorgidas, who [39] are rendering you good service. What, then, is more unjust than that I, who, if I had not obeyed you, would justly have suffered punishment, should now die because I did obey? For your mother has no other reason for persecuting us than that we preferred [40] your advantage to a woman’s favour. I brought 6000 Macedonian infantry and 600 horsemen; a part of these would not have followed me, if I had been willing to show indulgence to those who shrank from military service. Therefore it follows that, because it is for that reason that she is angry with us, you should soothe your mother, since it is you who have exposed us to her anger.”

  II. While Amyntas was making this plea, those chanced to arrive who had pursued his brother Polemon, of whom mention has been made before, and whom, being in flight, they were bringing back in bonds. The incensed assembly could hardly be restrained from at once stoning him to death, according to their custom. But he, quite unterrified, said: [2] “I ask no mercy for myself, provided my flight be not prejudicial to the innocence of my brothers. If this cannot be defended, let the guilt be mine. Their cause is the better for the very reason that I was [3] suspected because I took flight.” But when he had said this, the whole assembly sympathized; now they all began to shed tears, and were suddenly so changed to the opposite opinion that what had especially damaged his cause was the only thing that was [4] in his favour. He was a young man just come to maturity and in the first bloom of his youth, one of the horsemen who had been terrified by the torture of Philotas and whom the alarm of others had led to flee; deserted by his companions, and wavering between the purpose of returning and of fleeing, he was overtaken by those who had followed him.

  [5] He then began to weep and to beat his face, not grieving on his own account, but on that of his brothers, who were endangered through him.

  [6] And now he had affected the king also, and not only the assembly, but his brother alone was inexorable, and gazing at him with a terrifying expression, exclaimed: “Then, madman, is when you ought to have wept, when you were applying spurs to your horse, a deserter of your brothers and a companion of deserters. Wretch, whither were you fleeing and from whom? You have forced me, on trial for my [7] life, to use the words of an accuser.” Polemon confessed that he had sinned more grievously against his brothers than against himself. Then truly the soldiers did not moderate their tears and the acclamations by which a crowd expresses its favour. One cry was uttered by common consent, that the king should pardon these brave and blameless men. His friends also, when opportunity for mercy had been [8] given, arose and with tears appealed to the king. He, having silenced them, said: “I myself by my vote acquit Amyntas and his brothers. But as for you, young men, I prefer that you should forget my kindness rather
than remember your danger. Return to favour with me with the same confidence with which [9] I myself return to favour with you. If I had not examined what had been reported to me, you might have been able to feel some suspicion of my silence; it is better to be justified than to be suspected. Remember that no one can be acquitted unless he has [10] pleaded his cause. Do you, Amyntas, pardon your brother. This will be a pledge that your feelings are sincerely reconciled with me also.”

  [11] Then he dismissed the assembly and ordered Polydamas to be called. He was by far the dearest of Parmenion’s friends, accustomed to stand by his side [12] in battle. And although, relying on a clear conscience, he had come into headquarters, yet when he was ordered to produce his brothers, who were very young and unknown to the king because of their youth, his confidence changed to anxiety and he began to be afraid, considering more frequently what could harm them than by what means he could parry [13] such attacks.” And now the guards who had been ordered to do so had brought them in, when the king ordered Polydamas, deathly pale with fear, to draw nearer, and, removing all witnesses, said: — We have all alike been attacked by the crime of Parmenion, especially you and I, whom he has deceived by the [14] guise of friendship. To pursue and punish him — see how much I trust to your loyalty — I have decided to use you as my instrument. While you are doing [16] this, your brothers will be hostages. Set out for Media and take letters, written in my own handwriting, to my prefects. There is need of great speed, in order to outstrip the swiftness of rumour. I wish you to arrive there by night, and on the following [16] day to carry out what has been written. You will also take letters to Parmenion, one from me, the other written in the name of Philotas. The seal of his ring is in my possession. If his father believes that this was impressed by his son, he will fear nothing when he sees you.” —

  [17] Polydamas, relieved from so great fear, promised his help even more earnestly than was demanded of him and after being highly commended and loaded with promises, he put off the dress which he was is wearing and put on an Arab costume. Two Arabs, whose wives and children were meanwhile as a pledge of loyalty held as hostages with the king, were given him as companions. They arrived at the designated place on the eleventh day, traversing on camels places which were even made desert by [19] dryness. And before his arrival could be reported, Polydamas again assumed Macedonian dress and went to the tent of Cleander — he was one of the [20] king’s generals — in the fourth watch. Then, having delivered the letter, they decided to go together to Parmenion at daybreak. And now Polydamas had delivered the king’s letters to the others as well, and already they were on the point of going to Parmenion, when it was announced to him that Polydamas [21] had come. He, rejoicing in the arrival of his friend, and at the same time being eager to have news of what the king was doing — for he had received no letter from him for a long time — ordered that Polydamas be looked for.

  [22] The residences in that region have extensive, charming, and secluded parks with groves artificially planted; these were the special delight of both kings [23] and satraps. Parmenion was walking about in a grove, surrounded by his officers, who had been ordered by the king’s letters to kill him. And they had arranged to do the deed at the time when Parmenion had begun to read the letters delivered by Polydamas.

  [24] As Polydamas came near and was seen by Parmenion to have an expression presenting the appearance of joy, he ran to embrace him, and after they had exchanged greetings, Polydamas handed him the letter [25] written to him by the king. Parmenion, as he loosed the fastening “of the letter, asked what the king was doing. Polydamas replied that he would learn from [26] the letter itself. Parmenion, after reading the letter, said: “The king is preparing an expedition against the Arachosii. An active man, who never rests! But it is time for him to show consideration for his own welfare, after having already gained so much glory.”

  [27] Afterwards he was reading the second letter, written in the name of Philotas, with pleasure, as could be seen from his expression; then Cleander plunged his sword into his side and struck him again in the throat, and the others stabbed him even after he was lifeless.

  [29] And the guards, who were posted at the entrance of the grove, on learning of the murder, the cause of which was unknown to them, came into the camp and aroused the soldiers with the alarming message.

  [29] They armed themselves and went in a body to the grove in which the murder had been committed, threatening that unless Polydamas and the rest who had shared in the same outrage were delivered to them, they would throw down the wall surrounding the grove and offer expiation for the death of their [30] leader with the blood of all. Cleander ordered their leaders to be admitted, and read to the soldiers the letters which the king had written, in which were contained an account of the plots of Parmenion against the king and Alexander’s prayers that they [31] should avenge him. Accordingly, when the wish of the king was known, the mutiny of the troops was checked, but nevertheless not their indignation.

  When many of them had slipped away, a few remained, who prayed that at least they might be [32] permitted by them to bury the body. This was for a long time refused through Cleander’s fear that he might thus offend the king. Then, when they besought more persistently, thinking that occasion for disturbance ought to be removed, Oleander cut off the head and allowed them to bury the body; the head was sent to the king.

  [33] Such was the end of Parmenion, a man illustrious in war and in peace. He had achieved many successes without the king, the king had done no great deed without him. He satisfied a king who was most fortunate and who required that all things should match the greatness of his good fortune. At the age of seventy he fulfilled the duties of a leader in the prime of life and often even those of a common soldier; keen in counsel, vigorous in action, he was dear to the leading men and still more so to the common soldiers.

  [34] Whether these qualities drove him to a desire for royal power, or merely made him suspected of such a design, may be doubted; for it was uncertain, even when the affair was recent and could more easily be made clear, whether Philotas, overcome by the violence of his tortures, told the truth about matters which could not be proved, or by a false confession sought an end to his torments.

  [35] Alexander, thinking that those who, as he had learned, had freely deplored the death of Parmenion ought to be separated from the rest of the army, put them apart in one cohort and gave them as their leader Leonidas, who had himself formerly [36] been an intimate friend of Parmenion. These were about the same as those whom he had for other reasons disliked. For once, when he wished to sound the feelings of the soldiers, he told any who had written letters to their people in Macedonia to hand them to the messengers whom he himself was sending, who would faithfully deliver them. Each man had written frankly to his relatives what he had thought; to some military service was burdensome, to most it was not disagreeable. In this way Alexander got hold of the letters of those who had written favourably and of those who complained.

  [37] And he ordered a cohort of those who chanced in their letters to have complained of the irksome military service to encamp apart from the rest by way of disgrace, saying that he would use their bravery in war, but would remove loose talking from credulous ears. This plan, perhaps rash — for the bravest of men had been irritated by the insult — like everything else, the [38] good fortune of the king made successful. Nothing was more enthusiastic for war than those men; their valour was enhanced both from the desire of wiping out disgrace, and because brave deeds could not be concealed among a few.

  III. When these matters had been thus arranged, Alexander, having made Arsames satrap of the Drangae, ordered a march to be proclaimed against the Arimaspi, whom even at that time they called the Euergetae, having changed their name from the time when they had aided with shelter and supplies the army of Cyrus, when it was almost worn out by [2] cold and lack of food. It was the fifth day since he had come into that region. He learned that Satibarzanes, who had revolted and gone over to
Bessus, with a force of cavalry had again invaded Aria. Therefore he sent against him Caranus and Erigyius with Artabazus and Andronicus; they were followed [3] by 6000 Greek infantry and 600 cavalry. He himself set in order the race of the Euergetae within sixty days, and gave them a great sum of money because of their splendid loyalty to Cyrus. Then, after having left Amedines to govern them — he had been Darius’ secretary — he subdued the Arachosii, whose territory extends to the Pontic Sea. There he met the army which had been commanded by Parmenion. It consisted of 6000 Macedonians, 200 nobles, 5000 Greeks, with 600 cavalry, beyond [5] doubt the flower of all the king’s forces. Menon was made governor of the Arachosii, and 4000 infantry and 600 cavalry were left as a garrison.

  The king himself with his army entered a nation not very well known even to their neighbours, since, having no commerce with them, they practised no borrowed customs. They are called the Parapanisadae, a rude race of men and especially uncultivated even among barbarians. The harshness of their climate had hardened the nature also of the inhabitants. They look in great part toward the very cold northern pole, on the west they are adjacent to the Bactriani, on the south their territory slopes toward [8] the Indian sea. They build huts of unbaked brick, and because the land is destitute of timber, since even the ridge of the mountain is bare, they use the same [9] brick up to the very top of their buildings. But their structure is broader at the base and gradually becomes narrower as the work grows, and finally it comes together very much like the keel of a ship. There they leave an opening and let in light from [10] above. Vines and trees, if any have been able to live in such a frozen soil, they bury deep in the ground; in winter these remain dug in, and when the end of winter begins to open the earth, they are [11] restored to the sky and to the sun. But such deep snows cover the ground and are bound so fast by ice and almost perpetual cold, that no trace is to be found even of birds or of any wild beast. What may be called a dim shadow of the sky rather than light, and resembling night, broods over the earth, so that objects which are near at hand can hardly be made [12] out. The army, then, abandoned in this absence of all human civilization, endured all the evils that could [13] be suffered, want, cold, fatigue, despair. The unusual cold of the snow caused the death of many, to many it brought frost-bite of the feet, to very many blindness of the eyes. It was especially harmful to those who were fatigued; for when their strength gave out, they stretched themselves on the very ice, and when they ceased to move, the force of the cold so bound them fast, that when they struggled to rise again, they could [14] not do so. But they were roused from their torpor by their fellow-soldiers, for there was no other cure than to be forced to go on; then only, when their natural warmth was aroused, did any strength return to their limbs.