Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  Already the forces were coming together, and there was only a short space which divided the two lines.

  [16] Then the king with one wing of the cavalry “began to ride up to the infantry, demanding for punishment, at the instigation of Perdiccas, the authors of the discord, whom he himself was bound to protect, and threatened to lead all his squadrons against them, [17] as well as the elephants, if they refused. The infantry were dumbfounded by the unexpected danger, and not even Meleager himself had longer either judgement or courage. It seemed safest in the circumstances rather to await their fate than to [18] hasten it. Then Perdiccas, seeing them paralysed and in his power, separated from the rest about thirty who had followed Meleager when he rushed forth from the first assembly which was held after the death of Alexander, and in the sight of the whole army cast them before the elephants. All were trampled to death by the feet of the beasts, while [19] Philip neither prevented nor authorized it; and it was plain that he would not admit anything as his own act except what the result should justify.

  This was an omen and a beginning of civil wars [20] among the Macedonians. Meleager, learning too late the treachery of Perdiccas, for the moment calmly kept his place in the formation, since no violence was offered to his own person, but presently, [21] abandoning hope of safety, since he saw that his enemies were usurping to effect his ruin the name of the man whom he himself had made king, he took refuge in a temple and there was killed, not being protected even by the sanctity of the place.

  X. Perdiccas, having led the army into the city, held a council of the leading men, in which it was decided that the rule should be so shared that the king should in fact hold the chief authority, that Ptolemy should be satrap of Egypt and the African races which were under the jurisdiction of the [2] Macedonians; to Leomedon was given Syria with Phoenicia, to Philotas Cilicia was assigned, Antigonus was ordered to hold Lycia with Pamphylia and Greater Phrygia, Cassander was sent to Caria, Menander to Lydia; they ordered that Lesser Phrygia that borders upon the Hellespont should [3] be the province of Leonnatus. Cappadocia fell to Eumenes with Paphlagonia; he was ordered to defend that region as far as Trapezus and to wage war with Ariarathes; he alone declined his [4] assignment. Pithon was ordered to hold Media, Lysimachus Thrace and the Pontic nations adjoining Thrace. It was decided that those who were in charge of India, and those in charge of Bactra, the Sogdiani, and the others who dwell near either the Ocean or the Red Sea should retain command and hold rule over the territories of which each had charge; that Perdiccas should remain with the king and command the forces which followed the king.

  [5] Some have believed that the provinces were distributed by Alexander in his will, but we have learned that the report of such action was false, although handed [8] down by some authorities. Furthermore, when the parts of the empire were distributed, they each continued to protect their own holdings as they themselves had fixed them, except that no landmark could ever remain fixed in the face of unlimited [7] ambition. To be sure they had not long since as servants of the king, under pretext of exercising a delegated authority, individually usurped huge kingdoms, occasions for controversy having disappeared, since they were all of the same race and each one was separated from the rest by the situation [8] of his province. But it was difficult to be content with what occasion had granted them; for all first possessions seem mean when greater ones are hoped for. Hence it appeared to them all more convenient to increase their realms than it would have been to accept them as they were.

  [9] It was the seventh day since the king’s body had been lying in its coffin, for the attention of all was diverted from so solemn a duty to the establishment [10] of public order. And no more burning heat exists than that of the region of Mesopotamia, so great that it destroys many animals which it overtakes on the bare ground; such is the heat of sun and sky, [11] by which everything is burned as by fire. Springs of water are rare and are hidden by the deceit of the natives; their use is available to them, but is unknown to strangers. I report what is recorded [12] rather than believed: when at last his friends had leisure to care for Alexander’s lifeless body, those who had entered the room saw it corrupted by no decay, nor even by the slightest discoloration. The vigour too which comes from the breath of life had [13] not yet left his face. And so the Egyptians and Chaldeans who were ordered to care for the body after their manner, at first, as if he were still breathing, did not dare to lay their hands upon him; then after praying that it might be right and lawful for mortals to handle a god, they emptied the body of entrails, the golden coffin was filled with perfumes, and the emblem of his rank was placed upon the king’s head.

  [14] Many believed that he had been slain by poison; that a son of Antipater among his attendants, Iollas by name, had administered it by his father’s command. Certain it is that Alexander was often heard to say that Antipater took upon himself the state of a king, that he was more powerful than a prefect ought to be, and that he was puffed up by the rich spoil and fame of his Spartan victory while he claimed [15] as his own all that the king had given him. They also believed that Craterus had been sent to kill [16] Alexander with a troop of the old soldiers. Now it is a fact that the power of the poison which is produced in Macedonia is such that it even melts iron and that only the hoof of a draught-animal can [17] withstand the liquid; they call the fount from which the destructive poison flows the Styx. This was brought by Cassander and delivered to his brother Iollas, and by him was put in the last draught given to the king.

  [18] These tales, however much they were given credence, the power of those whom rumour had [19] aspersed presently suppressed; for Antipater seized the rule of Macedonia and of Greece as well, then his son succeeded him, after all who were related to Alexander, even by a distant connexion, had been [20] killed. But Ptolemy, under whose control Egypt had come, transported the king’s body to Memphis, and from there a few years later to Alexandria where every honour was paid to his memory and his name.

  The Latin Text

  Ancient Pella, Central Macedonia, Greece — the historical capital of Macedon in the time of Alexander the Great

  Atrium with a pebble-mosaic paving in Pella — close to the site where Philip of Macedon was assassinated

  CONTENTS OF THE LATIN TEXT

  In this section of the eBook, readers can view the original Latin text of Curtius’ History of Alexander. You may wish to Bookmark this page for future reference.

  CONTENTS

  BOOK III.

  BOOK IV.

  BOOK V.

  BOOK VI.

  BOOK VII.

  BOOK VIII.

  BOOK IX.

  BOOK X.

  Source text: Curtius Rufus, Quintus. Historiarum Alexandri Magni Macedonis libri qui supersunt. Edmund Hedicke. in aedibus B.G. Teubneri. Lipsiae. 1908. With thanks to the Pegasus Digital Library.

  BOOK III.

  Inter haec Alexander ad conducendum ex Peloponneso militem Cleandro cum pecunia misso Lyciae Pamphyliaeque rebus conpositis ad urbem Celaenas exercitum admovit. [2] Media ilia tempestate moenia interfluebat Marsyas, amnis fabulosis Graecorum carminibus inclitus. [3] Fons eius ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subiectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit, inde diffusus circumiectos rigat campos, liquidus et suas dumtaxat undas trahens. [4] Itaque color eius placido mari similis locum poetarum mendacio fecit: quippe traditum est nymphas amore amnis [p. 4] [5] retentas in illa rupe considere. Ceterum quamdiu intra muros fluit, nomen suum retinet, at cum extra munimenta se evolvit, maiore vi ac mole agentem undas Lycum appellant. [6] Alexander quidem urbem destitutam ab suis intrat, arcem vero, in quam confugerant, oppugnare adortus caduceatorem praemisit, qui denuntiaret, [7] ni dederent, ipsos ultima esse passuros. Illi caduceatorem in turrem et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo, intueri iubent ac nuntiare Alexandro, non eadem ipsum et incolas aestimatione munimenta metiri: [8] se scire inexpugnabiles esse, ad ultimum pro fide morituros. Ceterum ut circumsederi arcem et omnia sibi in dies artiora esse
viderunt, sexaginta dierum indutias pacti, ut, nisi intra eos auxilium Dareus ipsis misisset, dederent urbem, postquam nihil inde praesidii mittebatur, ad praestitutam diem permisere se regi. [9] Superveniunt deinde legati Atheniensium petentes, ut capti apud Granicum amnem redderentur sibi. Ille non hos modo, [10] sed etiam ceteros Graecos restitui suis iussurum respondit finito Persico bello. Ceterum Dareo imminens, quem nondum Euphraten superasse cognoverat, undique omnes copias contrahit totis viribus tanti belli discrimen aditurus. [11] Phrygia erat, per quam ducebatur exercitus: pluribus vicis quam urbibus frequens tunc habebat nobilem quondam Midae regiam. [12] Gordium nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis praeterfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. [13] Inter haec maria [p. 5] angustissimum Asiae spatium esse conperimus utroque in artas fauces conpellente terram. Quae quia continenti adhaeret, sed magna ex parte cingitur fluctibus, speciem msulae praebet ac, nisi tenue discrimen obiceret, quae nunc dividit maria, committeret. [14] Alexander urbe in dicionem suam redacta lovis templum intrat. Vehiculum, quo Gordium, Midae patrem, vectum esse constabat, aspexit cultu haud sane a vilioribus vulgatisque usu abhorrens. [15] Notabile erat iugum adstrictum compluribus nodis in semetipsos inplicatis et celantibus nexus. [16] Incolis deinde adfirmantibus editam esse oraculo sortem, Asiae potiturum, qui inexplicabile vinculum solvisset, cupido incessit animo sortis eius explendae. [17] Circa regem erat et Phrygum turba et Macedonum, illa expectatione suspensa, haec sollicita ex temeraria regis fiducia: quippe serie vinculorum ita adstricta, ut, unde nexus inciperet quove se conderet, nec ratione nec visu perspici posset, solvere adgressus iniecerat curam ei, ne in omen verteretur irritum inceptum. [18] Ille nequaquam diu luctatus cum latentibus nodis: ‘Nihil,’ inquit, ‘interest, quomodo solvantur,’ gladioque ruptis omnibus loris oraculi sortem vel elusit vel implevit. [19] Cum deinde Dareum, ubicumque esset, occupare statuisset, ut a tergo tuta relinqueret, Amphoterum classi ad oram Hellesponti, copiis autem praefecit Hegelochum, Lesbum et Chium Coumque praesidiis hostium liberaturos. [20] His talenta ad belli usum quin- [p. 6] genta attributa, ad Antipatrum et eos, qui Graecas urbes tuebantur, DC missa, ex foedere naves sociis imperatae, quae Hellesponto praesiderent. [21] Nondum enim Memnonem vita excessisse cognoverat, in quem omnes intenderat curas, satis gnarus cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo moveretur. [22] Tamque ad urbem Ancyram ventum erat: ubi numero copiarum inito Paphlagoniam intrat. Huic iuncti erant Heneti, unde quidam Venetos trahere originem credunt. [23] Omnis haec regio paruit regi, datisque obsidibus tributum, quod ne Persis quidem tulissent, pendere ne cogerentur, inpetraverunt. [24] Calas huic regioni praepositus est, ipse adsumptis, qui ex Macedonia nuper advenerant, Cappadociam petiit.

  At Dareus nuntiata Memnonis morte haud secus, quam par erat, motus omissa omni alia spe statuit ipse decernere: quippe quae per duces suos acta erant, cuncta damnabat, ratus pluribus curam, omnibus afuisse fortunam. [2] Igitur castris ad Babylona positis, quo maiore animo capesserent bellum, universas vires in conspectum dedit et circumdato vallo, quod decem milium armatorum multitudinem caperet, Xerxis exemplo numerum copiarum iniit. [3] Orto sole ad noctem agmina, sicut discripta erant, intravere vallum. Inde emissa occupaverant Mesopotamiae campos, equitum peditumque propemodum innumerabilis turba, maiorem quam pro numero speciem ferens. Persarum erant centum milia, in quis eques XXX inplebat. [4] Medi decem milia equitum, quinquaginta peditum habebant. [5] Barcanorum equitum duo milia fuere, armati bipen- [p. 7] nibus levibusque scutis maxime cetrae speciem reddentibus, peditum decem milia equitum pari armatu sequebantur. [6] Armenii quadraginta milia miserant peditum additis septem milibus equitum. Hyrcani egregiorum equitum, ut inter illas gentes, sex milia expleverant additis equitibus mille Tapuris. [7] Derbices quadraginta peditum milia armaverant: pluribus aere aut ferro praefixae hastae, quidam lignum igni duraverant. Hos quoque duo milia equitum ex eadem gente comitata sunt. [8] A Caspio mari octo milium pedester exercitus venerat, ducenti equites. Cum iis erant ignobiles aliae gentes: duo milia peditum, equitum duplicem paraverant numerum. [9] His copiis triginta milia Graecorum mercede conducta egregiae iuventutis adiecta. Nam Bactrianos et Sogdianos et Indos ceterosque Rubri maris accolas, ignota etiam Persis gentium nomina, festinatio prohibebat acciri. [10] Nec quicquam illi minus quam multitudo militum defuit. Cuius tum universae aspectu admodum laetus purpuratis solita vanitate spem eius inflantibus conversus ad Charidemum, Atheniensem belli peritum et ob exilium infestum Alexandro — quippe Athenis iubente eo fuerat expulsus — , percontari coepit, satisne ei videretur instructus ad obterendum hostem. [11] At ille et suae sortis et regiae superbiae oblitus: ‘Verum,’ inquit, ‘et tu forsitan audire nolis et ego, nisi nunc [p. 8] dixero, alias nequiquam confitebor. [12] Hic tanti apparatus exercitus, haec tot gentium et totius Orientis excita sedibus suis moles finitimis potest esse terribilis: nitet purpura auroque, fulget armis et opulentia, [13] quantam, qui oculis non subiecere, animis concipere non possunt. Sed Macedonum acies, torva sane et inculta, clipeis hastisque immobiles cuneos et conferta robora virorum tegit. Ipsi phalangem vocant, peditum stabile agmen: vir viro, armis arma conserta sunt. [14] Ad nutum monentis intenti sequi signa, ordines servare didicerunt: quod imperatur, omnes exaudiunt. Obsistere, circumire, discurrere in cornu, mutare pugnam non duces magis quam milites callent. [15] Ac ne auri argentique studio teneri putes, adhuc illa disciplina paupertate magistra stetit: fatigatis humus cubile est, cibus, quem occupati rapiunt, satiat, tempora somni artiora quam noctis sunt. [16] Iam Thessali equites et Acarnanes Aetolique, invicta bello manus, fundis, credo, et hastis igne duratis repellentur! Pari robore opus est. In illa terra, quae hos genuit, auxilia quaerenda sunt: argentum istud atque aurum ad conducendum militem mitte.’ [17] Erat Dareo mite ac tractabile ingenium, nisi etiam naturam plerumque fortuna corrumperet. Itaque veritatis inpatieus hospitem ac supplicem, [18] tunc cum maxime utilia suadentem, abstrahi iussit ad capitale supplicium. Ille ne tum quidem libertatis oblitus: ‘Habeo,’ inquit, ‘paratum mortis meae ultorem: expetet poenas consilii mei spreti is ipse, contra quem tibi suasi. Tu quidem licentia regni tam subito [p. 9] mutatus documentum eris posteris, homines, cum se permisere fortunae, etiam naturam dediscere.’ [19] Haec vociferantem, quibus imperatum erat, iugulant. Sera deinde paenitentia subiit regem, аc vera dixisse confessus sepeliri eum iussit.

  Thymondas erat, Mentoris filius, inpiger iuvenis: cui praeceptum est a rege, ut omnes peregrinos milites, in quis plurimum habebat spei, a Pharnabazo acciperet, opera eorum usurus in bello. Ipsi Pharnabazo tradit imperium, quod antea Memnoni dederat. [2] Anxium demde instantibus curis agitabant etiam per somnum species imminentium rerum, sive illas aegritudo, sive divinatio animi praesagientis accersiit. [3] Castra Alexandri magno ignis fulgore conlucere ei visa sunt et paulo post Alexander adduci ad ipsum in eo vestis habitu, quo ipse factus rex fuisset, equo deinde per Babylona vectus subito cum ipso equo oculis esse subductus. [4] Ad haec vates varia interpretatione curam distrinxerant: alii laetum id regi somnium esse dicebant, quod castra hostium arsissent, quod Alexandrum deposita regia veste in Persico et vulgari habitu perductum ad se vidisset, quidam non: [5] augurabantur quippe inlustria Macedonum castra visa fulgorem Alexandra portendere: cui vel regnum Asiae occupare fatum esse, haud ambigue doceri, quoniam in eodem habitu Dareus fuisset, cum appellatus est rex. [6] Vetera [p. 10] quoque omina, ut fere, sollicitudo revocaverat: recensebant enim Dareum in principio imperii vaginam acinacis Persicam iussisse mutari in eam formam, qua Graeci uterentur, protinusque Chaldaeos interpretatos, [7] imperium Persarum ad eos transiturum, quorum arma esset imitatus. Ceterum ipse et vatum responso, quod edebatur in vulgus, et specie, quae per somnum oblata erat, admodum laetus castra ad Euphraten moveri iubet. [8] Patrio more Persarum traditum est orto sole demum procedere. Die iam inlustri signum e tabernaculo regis bucina dabatur: super tabernaculum, unde ab omnibus conspici posset, imago solis crystallo inclusa fulgebat. [9] Ordo autem agminis erat talis. Ignis, quem ipsi sacrum et aeternum vocabant, argenteis altaribus praeferebatur. Magi proximi patrium carmen canebant. [10] Magos trecenti et sexaginta quinque iuvenes seq
uebantur puniceis amiculis velati, diebus totius anni pares numero: quippe Persis quoque in totidem dies discriptus est annus. [11] Currum deinde Iovi sacratum albentes vehebant equi: hos eximiae magnitudinis equus, quem Solis appellabant, sequebatur. Aureae virgae et albae vestes regentes equos adornabant. [12] Haud procul erant vehicula decem multo auro argentoque caelata. [13] Sequebatur haec equitatus duodecim gentium variis armis et moribus. Proximi ibant, quos Persae Inmortales vocant, ad decem milia. Cultus [p. 11] opulentiae barbara non alios magis honestabat: illi aureos torques, illi vestem auro distinctam habebant manicatasque tunicas gemmis etiam adornatas. [14] Exiguo intervallo, quos cognatos regis appellant, decem et quinque milia hominum. Haec vero turba muliebriter propemodum culta luxu magis quam decoris armis conspicua erat. [15] Doryphoroe vocabantur proximum his agmen, soliti vestem excipere regalem. Hi currum regis anteibant, quo ipse eminens vehebatur. [16] Utrumque currus latus deorum simulacra ex auro argentoque expressa decorabant: distinguebant internitentes gemmae iugum, ex quo eminebant duo aurea simulacra cubitalia avorum, alterum Nini, alterum Beli. Inter haec aquilam auream pennas extendenti similem sacraverant. [17] Cultus regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: purpureae tunicae medium album intextum erat, pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres, velut rostris inter se concurrerent, [18] adornabant, ex zona aurea muliebriter cinctus acinacem suspenderat, cui ex gemma vagina erat. [19] Cidarim Persae vocabant regium capitis insigne: hoc caerulea fascia albo distincta circumibat, [20] Currum decem milia hastatorum sequebantur: hastas argento exornatas, spiculo aureo praefixas gestabant. [21] Dextra laevaque regem ducenti ferme nobilissimi propinquorum comitabantur. Horum agmen claudebatur triginta milibus peditum, quos equi regis CCCC sequebantur. [22] Intervallo deinde unius stadii matrem Darei, Sisigam- [p. 12] bim, currus vehebat, et in alio erat coniunx. Turba feminarum reginas comitantium equis vectabatur. [23] Quindecim deinde, quas armamaxas appellabant, sequebantur: in his erant liberi regis et, quae educabant eos, [24] spadonumque grex, haud sane illis gentibus vilis. Tum regiae pelices trecentae et sexaginta vehebantur, et ipsae regali cultu ornatuque. Post quas pecuniam regis sexcenti muli et trecenti cameli vehebant praesidio sagittariorum prosequente. [25] Propinquorum amicorumque coniuges huic agmini proximae lixarumque et calonum greges vehebantur. Ultimi erant cum suis quisque ducibus, qui cogerent agmen, leviter armati. [26] Contra si quis aciem Macedonum intueretur, dispar facies erat equis virisque non auro, non discolori veste, [27] sed ferro atque aere fulgentibus: agmen et stare paratum et sequi, nec turba nec sarcinis praegrave, intentum ad ducis non signum modo, sed etiam nutum. [28] Et castris locus et exercitui commeatus suppetebant. Ergo Alexandro in acie miles non defuit, Dareus, tantae multitudinis rex, loci, in quo pugnavit, angustiis redactus est ad paucitatem, quam in hoste contempserat.