The Dual Text
‘Alexander battling Darius at the Battle of Issus’ — Naples, National Archaeological Museum
DUAL LATIN AND ENGLISH TEXT
Translated by J. C. Rolfe
In this section, readers can view a section by section text of Curtius’ History of Alexander, alternating between the original Latin and Rolfe’s English translation.
CONTENTS
BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
BOOK V.
BOOK VI.
BOOK VII.
BOOK VIII.
BOOK IX.
BOOK X.
BOOK III.
Inter haec Alexander ad conducendum ex Peloponneso militem Cleandro cum pecunia misso Lyciae Pamphyliaeque rebus conpositis ad urbem Celaenas exercitum admovit. [2] Media ilia tempestate moenia interfluebat Marsyas, amnis fabulosis Graecorum carminibus inclitus. [3] Fons eius ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subiectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit, inde diffusus circumiectos rigat campos, liquidus et suas dumtaxat undas trahens. [4] Itaque color eius placido mari similis locum poetarum mendacio fecit: quippe traditum est nymphas amore amnis [p. 4] [5] retentas in illa rupe considere. Ceterum quamdiu intra muros fluit, nomen suum retinet, at cum extra munimenta se evolvit, maiore vi ac mole agentem undas Lycum appellant.
I. MEANWHILE Alexander, after sending Cleander with money to hire soldiers from the Peloponnesus and setting in order the affairs of Lycia and Pamphylia, moved his army to the city of Celaenae.
[2] Through the middle of the city at that time flowed the Marsyas, a river famed in the storied songs of the [3] Greeks. Its source, gushing forth from the summit of a mountain, falls with a great noise of its waters upon a rock below; from there, divided into several branches, it irrigates the adjacent plains, clear and carrying only its own waters. Therefore its colour, like that of a calm sea, has given opportunity for a fancy of the poets; for it is said that nymphs, kept there by love of the river, dwell upon that — rock. Now, so long as it flows within the city the river retains its own name, but when it rolls forth beyond the ramparts and drives on its waters with greater force and mass, they call it the Lycus, “Wolf.”
[6] Alexander quidem urbem destitutam ab suis intrat, arcem vero, in quam confugerant, oppugnare adortus caduceatorem praemisit, qui denuntiaret, [7] ni dederent, ipsos ultima esse passuros. Illi caduceatorem in turrem et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo, intueri iubent ac nuntiare Alexandro, non eadem ipsum et incolas aestimatione munimenta metiri: [8] se scire inexpugnabiles esse, ad ultimum pro fide morituros. Ceterum ut circumsederi arcem et omnia sibi in dies artiora esse viderunt, sexaginta dierum indutias pacti, ut, nisi intra eos auxilium Dareus ipsis misisset, dederent urbem, postquam nihil inde praesidii mittebatur, ad praestitutam diem permisere se regi.
The city, indeed, when Alexander entered it, had been abandoned by its inhabitants, but having determined to attack the citadel, in which they had taken refuge,” he first sent a herald, to threaten that if they did not surrender it, they would suffer the utmost penalties. They led the herald to a tower raised high both by its natural situation and by the hand of man, telling them to observe how lofty it was and to report to Alexander that he and the inhabitants did not set the same value on their fortifications: that they knew themselves to be impregnable and were ready to the last to die loyally. But when they saw that the citadel was beset on every side, and that all their supplies were becoming scantier day by day, they bargained for a truce of sixty days, agreeing that if Darius did not send them help within that time, they would surrender the city; and when no aid came to them from that quarter, on the stipulated day they gave themselves up to the king.
[9] Superveniunt deinde legati Atheniensium petentes, ut capti apud Granicum amnem redderentur sibi. Ille non hos modo, [10] sed etiam ceteros Graecos restitui suis iussurum respondit finito Persico bello. Ceterum Dareo imminens, quem nondum Euphraten superasse cognoverat, undique omnes copias contrahit totis viribus tanti belli discrimen aditurus. [11] Phrygia erat, per quam ducebatur exercitus: pluribus vicis quam urbibus frequens tunc habebat nobilem quondam Midae regiam. [12] Gordium nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis praeterfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. [13] Inter haec maria [p. 5] angustissimum Asiae spatium esse conperimus utroque in artas fauces conpellente terram. Quae quia continenti adhaeret, sed magna ex parte cingitur fluctibus, speciem msulae praebet ac, nisi tenue discrimen obiceret, quae nunc dividit maria, committeret.
Then came envoys of the Athenians, asking that their citizens who had been taken prisoner at the river Granicus should be returned to them. Alexander replied that he would give orders that not only these but also the rest of the Greeks should be restored to their homes, as soon as the Persian war was ended.
Then, intent upon Darius, who, as he had learned, had not yet crossed the Euphrates, he assembled all his troops from every side, intending to meet the crisis of so great a war with all his strength.
Phrygia was the country through which the army was being led; abounding in villages rather than in cities, it was at that time the seat of the once famous palace of Midas. Gordium is the city’s name; the river Sangarius flows beside it, and it is equally distant from the Pontic and the Cilician sea. We have been informed that between these two seas is the narrowest part of Asia, since they compress the lands into a narrow passageway. And because Asia is joined to the mainland, but is in great part surrounded by waters, it presents the appearance of an island, and were it not for this slight intervening space, what now separates the seas would unite them.
[14] Alexander urbe in dicionem suam redacta lovis templum intrat. Vehiculum, quo Gordium, Midae patrem, vectum esse constabat, aspexit cultu haud sane a vilioribus vulgatisque usu abhorrens. [15] Notabile erat iugum adstrictum compluribus nodis in semetipsos inplicatis et celantibus nexus. [16] Incolis deinde adfirmantibus editam esse oraculo sortem, Asiae potiturum, qui inexplicabile vinculum solvisset, cupido incessit animo sortis eius explendae. [17] Circa regem erat et Phrygum turba et Macedonum, illa expectatione suspensa, haec sollicita ex temeraria regis fiducia: quippe serie vinculorum ita adstricta, ut, unde nexus inciperet quove se conderet, nec ratione nec visu perspici posset, solvere adgressus iniecerat curam ei, ne in omen verteretur irritum inceptum. [18] Ille nequaquam diu luctatus cum latentibus nodis: ‘Nihil,’ inquit, ‘interest, quomodo solvantur,’ gladioque ruptis omnibus loris oraculi sortem vel elusit vel implevit.
Alexander, after reducing the city into his power, entered the temple of Jupiter. There he saw the wagon in which it was known that Gordius, the father of Midas rode, and it was in no way more elegant than ordinary ones in everyday use. The noteworthy feature was the yoke, which was made fast by a great number of thongs, closely tangled with one another and concealing their interlacings. Thereupon, since the natives declared that the oracle had predicted that whoever should loose the intricate fastening would rule over Asia, the desire entered Alexander’s mind of fulfilling that prophecy. Around the king stood a throng of Phrygians and Macedonians, the former on tiptoe of expectation, the latter in anxiety because of the king’s rash self-confidence; and in fact the series of thongs was so closely bound together that where a hidden interlacing began or where it ended could be made out neither by the eye nor by calculation; and the king’s attempt to undo the tangle made the throng anxious lest a failure should be regarded as an omen. After having struggled for a long time without effect against the hidden knots: “It makes no difference,” said he, “how they are loosed,” and cutting through all the thongs with his sword, he either tricked the oracle or fulfilled it.
[19] Cum deinde Dareum, ubicumque esset, occupare statuisset, ut a tergo tuta relinqueret, Amphoterum classi ad oram Hellesponti, copiis autem praefecit Hegelochum, Lesbum et Chium Coumque praesidiis hostium liberaturos. [20] His talenta ad belli usum quin- [p. 6] genta attributa, ad Antipatrum et eos, qui Graecas urbes tuebantur, DC missa, ex foedere naves sociis imperatae, quae Hellesponto
praesiderent. [21] Nondum enim Memnonem vita excessisse cognoverat, in quem omnes intenderat curas, satis gnarus cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo moveretur. [22] Tamque ad urbem Ancyram ventum erat: ubi numero copiarum inito Paphlagoniam intrat. Huic iuncti erant Heneti, unde quidam Venetos trahere originem credunt. [23] Omnis haec regio paruit regi, datisque obsidibus tributum, quod ne Persis quidem tulissent, pendere ne cogerentur, inpetraverunt. [24] Calas huic regioni praepositus est, ipse adsumptis, qui ex Macedonia nuper advenerant, Cappadociam petiit.
Then, since he had resolved to overtake Darius wherever he might be, in order to leave everything behind him safe he gave Amphoterus command of the fleet at the shore of the Hellespont and Hegelochus of the land-forces, in order that these officers might free Lesbos, Chios and Cos from the enemies’ garrisons. To them 500 talents were given for the expenses of the war, and to Antipater and those who were defending the Greek cities 600 talents were sent, and the allies were ordered, as was provided by their treaty, to furnish ships to guard the Hellespont. For he had not yet learned of the death of Memnon, against whom he had directed all his attention, knowing well enough that all would be easy if that general made no move.
And now he had arrived at the city of Ancyra, from which, after having numbered his forces, he entered Paphlagonia; next to this were the Heneti, from whom some believe that the Veneti derive their origin. All this region yielded to Alexander, and gave hostages and obtained freedom from the obligation of paying tribute, which they had not rendered even to the Persians. Calas was made governor of that region, and Alexander himself, taking the troops that had lately arrived from Macedonia, made for Cappadocia.
At Dareus nuntiata Memnonis morte haud secus, quam par erat, motus omissa omni alia spe statuit ipse decernere: quippe quae per duces suos acta erant, cuncta damnabat, ratus pluribus curam, omnibus afuisse fortunam. [2] Igitur castris ad Babylona positis, quo maiore animo capesserent bellum, universas vires in conspectum dedit et circumdato vallo, quod decem milium armatorum multitudinem caperet, Xerxis exemplo numerum copiarum iniit. [3] Orto sole ad noctem agmina, sicut discripta erant, intravere vallum. Inde emissa occupaverant Mesopotamiae campos, equitum peditumque propemodum innumerabilis turba, maiorem quam pro numero speciem ferens. Persarum erant centum milia, in quis eques XXX inplebat. [4] Medi decem milia equitum, quinquaginta peditum habebant. [5] Barcanorum equitum duo milia fuere, armati bipen- [p. 7] nibus levibusque scutis maxime cetrae speciem reddentibus, peditum decem milia equitum pari armatu sequebantur. [6] Armenii quadraginta milia miserant peditum additis septem milibus equitum. Hyrcani egregiorum equitum, ut inter illas gentes, sex milia expleverant additis equitibus mille Tapuris. [7] Derbices quadraginta peditum milia armaverant: pluribus aere aut ferro praefixae hastae, quidam lignum igni duraverant. Hos quoque duo milia equitum ex eadem gente comitata sunt. [8] A Caspio mari octo milium pedester exercitus venerat, ducenti equites. Cum iis erant ignobiles aliae gentes: duo milia peditum, equitum duplicem paraverant numerum. [9] His copiis triginta milia Graecorum mercede conducta egregiae iuventutis adiecta. Nam Bactrianos et Sogdianos et Indos ceterosque Rubri maris accolas, ignota etiam Persis gentium nomina, festinatio prohibebat acciri. [10] Nec quicquam illi minus quam multitudo militum defuit.
II. But Darius, when the death of Memnon was announced, being not less anxious than was natural, set aside all other hope, and decided to fight a decisive battle in person; for he condemned everything that had been done through his generals, believing that many of them had been lacking in care, and all in good fortune. Accordingly, having encamped before Babylon, he made a display of all his forces, in order that they might enter upon the war with the greater confidence, and having built a circular enclosure, capable of containing a throng of 10,000 armed men, he began to number them as Xerxes had done. From sunrise to nightfall the troops entered the enclosure, as they had been told off. Then, when sent out, they filled the plains of Mesopotamia, an all but innumerable mass of cavalry and foot, which gave the appearance of being greater than it actually was. Of Persians there were 100,000, among them 30,000 horsemen.
The Medes had 10,000 horse and 50,000 foot. Of the Barcani there were 2000 horse, armed with double-edged axes and light shields closely resembling Spanish bucklers; they were followed by 10,000 infantry, armed in the same manner as the horsemen.
The Armenians had sent 40,000 foot-soldiers, besides 7000 cavalry. The Hyrcani had mustered 6000 as excellent horsemen as those nations could furnish, as well as 1000 Tapurian cavalry. The Derbices had armed 40,000 foot-soldiers; most of these carried spears tipped with bronze or iron, but some had hardened the wooden shaft by fire. These also were accompanied by 2000 horsemen from the same nation. From the Caspian Sea had come an infantry army of 8000, and 200 horsemen. With these were other less known nations; they had mustered 2000 foot and twice that number of horsemen. To these forces were added 30,000 Greek mercenaries, excellent young soldiers. However, his haste prevented the summoning of the Bactriani, the Sogdiani, the Indi, and other dwellers near the Red Sea, whose names were unknown even to Darius himself. But there was nothing which he lacked less than numbers of soldiers.
Cuius tum universae aspectu admodum laetus purpuratis solita vanitate spem eius inflantibus conversus ad Charidemum, Atheniensem belli peritum et ob exilium infestum Alexandro — quippe Athenis iubente eo fuerat expulsus — , percontari coepit, satisne ei videretur instructus ad obterendum hostem. [11] At ille et suae sortis et regiae superbiae oblitus: ‘Verum,’ inquit, ‘et tu forsitan audire nolis et ego, nisi nunc [p. 8] dixero, alias nequiquam confitebor. [12] Hic tanti apparatus exercitus, haec tot gentium et totius Orientis excita sedibus suis moles finitimis potest esse terribilis: nitet purpura auroque, fulget armis et opulentia, [13] quantam, qui oculis non subiecere, animis concipere non possunt. Sed Macedonum acies, torva sane et inculta, clipeis hastisque immobiles cuneos et conferta robora virorum tegit. Ipsi phalangem vocant, peditum stabile agmen: vir viro, armis arma conserta sunt. [14] Ad nutum monentis intenti sequi signa, ordines servare didicerunt: quod imperatur, omnes exaudiunt. Obsistere, circumire, discurrere in cornu, mutare pugnam non duces magis quam milites callent.
Extravagantly happy at the appearance of the throng then assembled, while his courtiers puffed up his hope with their usual empty flattery, turning to Charidemus, an Athenian skilled in warfare and because of his banishment hating Alexander — for it was by his order that Charidemus had been expelled from Athens — he proceeded to ask the Greek whether he seemed to him sufficiently equipped to trample down his enemy. But Charidemus, forgetting his condition and the pride of kings, replied: “You perhaps would not wish to hear the truth, but I, if I do not speak now, at some other time shall admit it in vain. This army so splendidly equipped, this throng of so many nations and of the whole Orient, called forth from their homes, may be a cause of terror to their neighbours; it gleams with purple and gold, is resplendent with arms and with riches so great that those who have not seen them with their own eyes cannot imagine them. But the Macedonian army, grim, it is true, and unkempt-looking, covers with its shields and spears immovable wedges and serried power of men. They themselves call it the phalanx, a steadfast body of infantry; man stands close to man, weapons are joined to weapons. Intent upon the nod of their commander, they have learned to follow the standards, to keep their ranks; what is ordered all obey. How to oppose, make circuits, run to support either wing, to change the order of battle the soldiers are as well skilled as their leaders.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 73