[15] Ac ne auri argentique studio teneri putes, adhuc illa disciplina paupertate magistra stetit: fatigatis humus cubile est, cibus, quem occupati rapiunt, satiat, tempora somni artiora quam noctis sunt. [16] Iam Thessali equites et Acarnanes Aetolique, invicta bello manus, fundis, credo, et hastis igne duratis repellentur! Pari robore opus est. In illa terra, quae hos genuit, auxilia quaerenda sunt: argentum istud atque aurum ad conducendum militem mitte.’ [17] Erat Dareo mite ac tractabile ingenium, nisi etiam naturam plerumque fortuna corrumperet. Itaque veritatis inpatieus hospitem ac supplicem, [18] tunc cum maxime utilia suadentem, abstrahi iussit ad capitale supplicium. Ille ne tum quidem libertatis oblitus: ‘Habeo,’ inquit, ‘paratum mortis meae ultorem: expetet poenas consilii mei spreti is ipse, contra quem tibi suasi. Tu quidem licentia regni tam subito [p. 9] mutatus documentum eris posteris, homines, cum se permisere fortunae, etiam naturam dediscere.’ [19] Haec vociferantem, quibus imperatum erat, iugulant. Sera deinde paenitentia subiit regem, аc vera dixisse confessus sepeliri eum iussit.
“And do not suppose that they are led by a desire for gold and silver; so far they have maintained that discipline in the school of poverty; when they are wearied, the earth is their bed, such food as they can snatch amid toil satisfies them, their time for sleep is shorter than the night. The Thessalian, the Acarnanian, and the Aetolian horsemen, invincible in war, will forthwith, forsooth, be repulsed by slings and by spears hardened in the fire! Strength like theirs is what you need; in that land which gave them birth you must look for aid: send that silver and gold of yours to hire soldiers.” Darius had a mild and tractable disposition, but as a rule Fortune perverts even Nature. So, incapable of hearing the truth, he ordered a guest and a suppliant to be dragged off to execution, at the very moment when he was giving most salutary advice. The Greek, not even then forgetful of his free birth, said: “I have at hand an avenger of my death; that very man against whom I have warned you will exact punishment for the scorning of my advice. You for your part, so suddenly changed by the licence of royal power, will be a lesson to coming generations that when men have surrendered themselves to Fortune, they forget even their very nature.” As Charidemus was shouting these words, those to whom the order had been given cut his throat. Afterwards, too late, the king repented, and admitting that the Greek had spoken the truth, gave orders that he be given funeral rites.
Thymondas erat, Mentoris filius, inpiger iuvenis: cui praeceptum est a rege, ut omnes peregrinos milites, in quis plurimum habebat spei, a Pharnabazo acciperet, opera eorum usurus in bello. Ipsi Pharnabazo tradit imperium, quod antea Memnoni dederat. [2] Anxium demde instantibus curis agitabant etiam per somnum species imminentium rerum, sive illas aegritudo, sive divinatio animi praesagientis accersiit. [3] Castra Alexandri magno ignis fulgore conlucere ei visa sunt et paulo post Alexander adduci ad ipsum in eo vestis habitu, quo ipse factus rex fuisset, equo deinde per Babylona vectus subito cum ipso equo oculis esse subductus. [4] Ad haec vates varia interpretatione curam distrinxerant: alii laetum id regi somnium esse dicebant, quod castra hostium arsissent, quod Alexandrum deposita regia veste in Persico et vulgari habitu perductum ad se vidisset, quidam non: [5] augurabantur quippe inlustria Macedonum castra visa fulgorem Alexandra portendere: cui vel regnum Asiae occupare fatum esse, haud ambigue doceri, quoniam in eodem habitu Dareus fuisset, cum appellatus est rex. [6] Vetera [p. 10] quoque omina, ut fere, sollicitudo revocaverat: recensebant enim Dareum in principio imperii vaginam acinacis Persicam iussisse mutari in eam formam, qua Graeci uterentur, protinusque Chaldaeos interpretatos, [7] imperium Persarum ad eos transiturum, quorum arma esset imitatus. Ceterum ipse et vatum responso, quod edebatur in vulgus, et specie, quae per somnum oblata erat, admodum laetus castra ad Euphraten moveri iubet.
III. Thymondas, son of Mentor, was an energetic young man; he was ordered by the king to take over from Pharnabazus all the foreign soldiers in whom Darius had the greatest confidence: Thymondas was to use their services in the war. To Pharnabazus himself he transferred the command which he had previously given to Memnon.
Then, worried as he was by pressing cares, he was also tormented in sleep by visions of imminent dangers, whether these were called up by anxiety or by the divining power of a prophetic mind, Alexander’s camp seemed to him to shine with a great glow of fire, and he dreamed that a little later Alexander was brought to him in the garb in which he himself had been made king, and that then, riding on horseback through Babylon, he had vanished from his sight, horse and all. Besides this, the soothsayers had distracted his troubled mind by varying interpretations; some said that that dream was of good omen for the king because the enemies’ camp had burned, and because he had seen Alexander, after laying aside his regal dress, brought to him attired as a Persian, and that too, dressed like one of the common sort; others disagreed: for they conjectured that to have seen the Macedonians’ camp illuminated foretold brilliance for Alexander; that he was fated even to seize the rule of Asia was shown beyond doubt, since Darius had worn the same attire when he was named king. Worry had recalled old omens also, as is usual; for they bethought themselves that Darius at the beginning of his rule had ordered that the form of the Persian scabbard of the scimitar should be changed to that shape which the Greeks used, and that the Chaldeans had at once declared that the empire of the Persians would pass to those whose arms he had imitated. However, Darius himself, rejoicing greatly both because of the prediction of the seers which was made public, and the vision which had appeared to him in his sleep, gave orders that the camp should be advanced toward the Euphrates.
[8] Patrio more Persarum traditum est orto sole demum procedere. Die iam inlustri signum e tabernaculo regis bucina dabatur: super tabernaculum, unde ab omnibus conspici posset, imago solis crystallo inclusa fulgebat. [9] Ordo autem agminis erat talis. Ignis, quem ipsi sacrum et aeternum vocabant, argenteis altaribus praeferebatur. Magi proximi patrium carmen canebant. [10] Magos trecenti et sexaginta quinque iuvenes sequebantur puniceis amiculis velati, diebus totius anni pares numero: quippe Persis quoque in totidem dies discriptus est annus. [11] Currum deinde Iovi sacratum albentes vehebant equi: hos eximiae magnitudinis equus, quem Solis appellabant, sequebatur. Aureae virgae et albae vestes regentes equos adornabant. [12] Haud procul erant vehicula decem multo auro argentoque caelata. [13] Sequebatur haec equitatus duodecim gentium variis armis et moribus.
It was an ancestral custom of the Persians not to begin a march before sunrise. When the day was already bright, the signal was given from the king’s tent with the horn; above the tent, from which it might be seen by all, there gleamed an image of the sun enclosed in crystal. Now the order of march was as follows. In front on silver altars was carried the fire which they called sacred and eternal. Next came the Magi, chanting their traditional hymn. These were, followed by three hundred and sixty-five young men clad in purple robes, equal in number to the days of a whole year; for the Persians also divided the year into that number of days. After that, white horses drew the chariot consecrated to Jupiter; these were followed by a horse of extraordinary size, which they called the steed of the Sun. Golden wands and white robes adorned the drivers of the horses. Not far off there were ten chariots, embossed with much gold and silver. These were followed by the horsemen of twelve nations of varying arms and customs.
Proximi ibant, quos Persae Inmortales vocant, ad decem milia. Cultus [p. 11] opulentiae barbara non alios magis honestabat: illi aureos torques, illi vestem auro distinctam habebant manicatasque tunicas gemmis etiam adornatas. [14] Exiguo intervallo, quos cognatos regis appellant, decem et quinque milia hominum. Haec vero turba muliebriter propemodum culta luxu magis quam decoris armis conspicua erat. [15] Doryphoroe vocabantur proximum his agmen, soliti vestem excipere regalem. Hi currum regis anteibant, quo ipse eminens vehebatur. [16] Utrumque currus latus deorum simulacra ex auro argentoque expressa decorabant: distinguebant internitentes gemmae iugum, ex quo eminebant duo aurea simulacra cubitalia avorum, alterum Nini, alterum Beli. Inter haec aquilam auream pe
nnas extendenti similem sacraverant. [17] Cultus regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: purpureae tunicae medium album intextum erat, pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres, velut rostris inter se concurrerent, [18] adornabant, ex zona aurea muliebriter cinctus acinacem suspenderat, cui ex gemma vagina erat. [19] Cidarim Persae vocabant regium capitis insigne: hoc caerulea fascia albo distincta circumibat, [20] Currum decem milia hastatorum sequebantur: hastas argento exornatas, spiculo aureo praefixas gestabant. [21] Dextra laevaque regem ducenti ferme nobilissimi propinquorum comitabantur. Horum agmen claudebatur triginta milibus peditum, quos equi regis CCCC sequebantur.
Next marched those whom the Persians call “the Immortals” to the number of ten thousand. No others were more adorned with the splendour of barbaric wealth; theirs were golden necklets, and garments adorned with cloth of gold and long-sleeved tunics adorned even with gems. At a short interval came those whom they call the king’s kindred, 15,000 men. This throng indeed, with its almost feminine elegance, was conspicuous rather for luxury than for elegant arms. The troop next to these, who were accustomed to take care of the royal robes, were called Spear-bearers. These preceded the king’s chariot, in which he rode outstanding among the rest.
Both sides of the chariot were adorned with images of the gods, embossed in gold and silver; the yoke was ornamented with sparkling gems, and on it rose two golden images a cubit high of the king’s ancestors, one of Ninus, the other of Belus. Between these they had consecrated a golden eagle, represented with outstretched wings.
The attire of the king was noteworthy beyond all else in luxury; a purple-edged tunic woven about a white centre, a cloak of cloth of gold, ornamented with golden hawks, which seemed to attack each other with their beaks; from a golden belt, with which he was girt woman-fashion, he had hung a scimitar, the scabbard of which was a single gem.”
The Persians called the king’s head-dress cidaris; this was bound with a blue fillet variegated with white. The chariot was followed by 10,000 lancers, carrying spears richly adorned with silver and tipped with a point of gold. About two hundred of the noblest relatives of the king attended him on the right and on the left. The rear of this part of the procession was brought up by 30,000 foot-soldiers, followed by four hundred of the king’s horses.
[22] Intervallo deinde unius stadii matrem Darei, Sisigam- [p. 12] bim, currus vehebat, et in alio erat coniunx. Turba feminarum reginas comitantium equis vectabatur. [23] Quindecim deinde, quas armamaxas appellabant, sequebantur: in his erant liberi regis et, quae educabant eos, [24] spadonumque grex, haud sane illis gentibus vilis. Tum regiae pelices trecentae et sexaginta vehebantur, et ipsae regali cultu ornatuque. Post quas pecuniam regis sexcenti muli et trecenti cameli vehebant praesidio sagittariorum prosequente. [25] Propinquorum amicorumque coniuges huic agmini proximae lixarumque et calonum greges vehebantur. Ultimi erant cum suis quisque ducibus, qui cogerent agmen, leviter armati. [26] Contra si quis aciem Macedonum intueretur, dispar facies erat equis virisque non auro, non discolori veste, [27] sed ferro atque aere fulgentibus: agmen et stare paratum et sequi, nec turba nec sarcinis praegrave, intentum ad ducis non signum modo, sed etiam nutum. [28] Et castris locus et exercitui commeatus suppetebant. Ergo Alexandro in acie miles non defuit, Dareus, tantae multitudinis rex, loci, in quo pugnavit, angustiis redactus est ad paucitatem, quam in hoste contempserat.
Next, at an interval of a single stade, one chariot carried Sisigambis, Darius’ mother, and in another was his wife. A throng of women of the queens’ household rode on horses. Then followed fifteen of what they call karmamaxaed; in these were the king’s children and their governesses, and a herd of eunuchs, who are not at all despised by those peoples. Next rode the 365 concubines of the king, these also regally dressed and adorned. After these 600 mules and 300 camels carried the king’s money, preceded by a guard of bowmen. Next to this division rode the wives of his relatives and friends, and troops of sutlers and batmen. Last of all were bands of lightarmed troops, to bring up the rear, each with its own officers.
If on the other hand anyone should look upon the Macedonians’ army, its appearance was different; men and horses gleaming, not with gold and parti coloured garments, but with steel and bronze; an army prepared to stand or to follow, not over weighted with excessive numbers or with baggage, watchful, not only for the signal, but even for the nod of its leader. Thus there was enough room for both a camp and the army’s supplies. Hence Alexander did not lack soldiers in the battle; Darius, king of so vast a multitude, was reduced by the narrow limits of the place in which he fought to the small number which he had scorned in his enemy.
Interea Alexander Sabistamene Cappadociae praeposito Cificiam petens cum omnibus copiis in regionem, quae Castra Cyri appellatur, pervenerat: stativa illic habuerat Cyrus, [2] cum adversus Croesum in Lydiam duceret. Aberat ea regio quinquaginta stadia ab aditu, quo Ciliciam intramus: Pylas incolae dicunt artissimas [p. 13] fauces munimenta, quae manu ponimus, naturali situ imitantes. [3] Igitur Arsames, qui Ciliciae praeerat, reputans, quid initio belli Memno suasisset, quondam salubre consilium sero exequi statuit: igni ferroque Ciliciam vastat, ut hosti solitudinem faciat, quidquid usui potest esse, corrumpit sterile ac nudum solum, [4] quod tueri nequibat, relicturus Sed longe utilius fuit angustias aditus, qui Ciliciam aperit, valido occupare praesidio iugumque opportune itineri imminens obtinere, unde inultus subeuntem hostem aut prohibere aut opprimere potuisset: [5] nunc paucis, qui callibus praesiderent, relictis retro ipse concessit, populator terrae, quam a populationibus vindicare debebat. Ergo qui relicti erant, proditos se rati ne conspectum quidem hostis sustinere valuerunt, cum vel pauciores locum obtinere potuissent. [6] Namque perpetuo iugo montis asperi ac praerupti Cilicia includitur: quod cum a mari adsurgat, velut sinu quodam flexuque curvatum rursus altero cornu in diversum litus excurrit.
IV. Meanwhile Alexander, having given Sabistamenes charge of Cappadocia, on his way to Cilicia with all his forces had arrived at the place which is called the Camp of Cyrus; there Cyrus had had a permanent camp when he was leading his army into Lydia against Croesus. That place was distant fifty stadia from the pass by which we enter Cilicia; the Gates is what the natives call that very narrow entrance, and in its natural formation it resembles fortifications made by our human hands. Therefore Arsames, who governed Cilicia, recalling what Memnon had advised at the beginning of the war, decided too late to follow a plan which at the time was salutary; he devastates Cilicia with fire and sword, in order to make a desert for the enemy, and destroys everything that could be of use, intending to leave barren and bare the soil which he was unable to defend.
But it would have been far more advantageous to beset with a strong force the narrow pass which opens the way into Cilicia, and to hold possession of a height which opportunely overhangs the road, from which without danger he would have been able to stop or destroy the enemy as they came up. As it was, leaving a few to guard the mountain paths, he himself retreated, a devastator of the land which he ought to have protected against devastation. Therefore those who had been left behind, supposing that they had been betrayed, were not able to endure even the sight of the enemy, although even fewer men than they would have been able to hold the position.
For Cilicia is shut in by a continuous range of rugged and steep mountains. This range, rising from the sea and curving in a kind of winding fold, so to speak, runs back with its other extremity to a different part of the shore.
[7] Per hoc dorsum, qua maxime introrsus mari cedit, asperi tres aditus et perangusti sunt, quorum uno Cilicia intranda est. [8] Campestris eadem, qua vergit ad mare, planitiem eius crebris distinguentibus rivis: Pyramus et Cydnus, incliti amnes, inferfluunt. Cydnus non spatio aquarum, sed liquore memorabilis: quippe leni tractu e fontibus labens puro solo excipitur, nec torrentes incurrunt, qui placide manantis alveum turbent. [9] Itaque incorruptus idemque frigidissimus, quippe multa riparum amoenitate inumbratus, ubique fontibus suis similis in mare evadit. [10] Multa in ea regione monumenta vulgata carminibus vetustas [p. 14]
exederat: monstrabantur urbium sedes Lyrnesi et Thebes, Typhonis quoque specus et Corycium nemus, ubi crocum gignitur, ceteraque, in quibus nihil praeter famam duraverat. [11] Alexander fauces iugi, quae Pylae appellantur, intravit. Contemplatus locorum situm non alias magis dicitur admiratus esse felicitatem suam: obrui potuisse vel saxis confitebatur, si fuissent, qui in subeuntes propellerent. [12] Iter vix quaternos capiebat armatos: [13] dorsum montis imminebat viae non angustae modo, sed plerumque praeruptae crebris oberrantibus rivis, qui ex radicibus montium manant. Thracas tamen leviter armatos praecedere iusserat scrutarique calles, ne occultus hostis in subeuntes erumperet. Sagittariorum quoque manus occupaverat iugum: [14] intentos arcus habebant moniti, non iter ipsos inire, sed proelium. Hoc modo agmen pervenit ad urbem Tarson, cui tum maxime Persae subiciebant ignem, ne opulentum oppidum hostis invaderet. [15] At ille Parmenione ad inhibendum incendium cum expedita manu praemisso, postquam barbaros adventu suorum fugatos esse cognovit, urbem a se conservatam intrat.
Through this range, where it withdraws farthest inward from the sea, there are three rough and very narrow passes, one of which must be used for entering Cilicia. That country where it slopes toward the sea is level and its plain is divided by frequent streams; the famous rivers Pyramus and Cydnus flow through it. The Cydnus is noteworthy, not because of the extent of its waters,” but for their clearness; for gliding with gentle course from its springs, it is received by a pure soil, and no torrents empty into it to discolour its quietly flowing channel.
Hence it is undefiled and also extremely cold, since it is shaded charmingly by its banks, and it passes into the sea in the same state throughout as at its source. In that region lapse of time had destroyed many memorials made famous in song; the sites of the cities Lyrnesus and Thebes were pointed out, the cave of Typhon too, and the Corycian grove, where saffron grows,’ and other places of which only the fame has endured.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 74