Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  VII. But Darius, after having received news of Alexander’s illness, with all the speed of which so heavy an army was capable hastened to the Euphrates, spanned it with a pontoon bridge, but still got his army across within five days, in his haste to obtain possession of Cilicia. Already Alexander had recovered his physical vigour and had arrived at the city of Soli; having taken possession of this, he exacted, by way of a fine, two hundred talents and placed a garrison of soldiers in the citadel. Then with sport and holiday he paid the vows that had been pledged for his safety, thus showing with what great confidence he scorned the barbarians; for he celebrated games in honour of Aesculapius and Minerva. As he was viewing the games, the joyful news arrived from Halicarnassus that the Persians had been defeated in battle by his troops, and also that the Myndii, the Caunii, and the greater part of that region had been brought under his sway.

  Accordingly, having finished the public games, moved his camp, and bridged the Pyramus River, he arrived at the city of Mallus, and from there, on the second day, he came to the town of Castabalum.

  There Parmenion met the king; he had been sent ahead to reconnoitre the road through the mountain-pass through which they must go to reach the city called Issus. And Parmenion, after taking possession of the narrowest part of this road, and leaving there a guard of moderate size, had captured Issus, which also had been abandoned by the barbarians. From this as a base he dislodged those who held posts in the mountains farther inland, secured everything by garrisons, and having got possession of the road, as was said a little while ago, came as newsbringer of his own accomplishments.

  [8] Then Alexander moved his forces to Issus. There, after deliberating whether they ought to advance farther or wait where they were for the fresh troops that were known to be coming from Macedonia, Parmenion expressed the opinion that no other place was more suitable for a battle. For there the forces of both kings would be equal in number, since the narrow space could not contain a multitude of men; his men ought to avoid a plain and the open fields, where they might be caught and crushed in a pincer manœuvre. He feared that they might be defeated, not by the enemies’ valour, but by their own weariness; fresh Persians would constantly be coming to the front, if they were allowed to take more open order. The force of such salutary advice was readily acknowledged. Therefore Alexander decided to aw ait the enemy amid the defiles of the mountains.

  [11] There was in the king’s army a Persian called Sisines; he had been sent formerly to King Philip by the satrap of Egypt, and having been courted with gifts and honours of every kind, he had exchanged his native abode for exile; later he followed Alexander into Asia and was regarded as one of his loyal companions. To him a Cretan soldier delivered a letter sealed with a ring the device of which was not at all known to him. Nabarzanes, a general of Darius, had sent it, urging Sisines to accomplish something worthy of his rank and character; that it would bring him great honour with Darius. This letter Sisines, since he was innocent of any evil intention, often tried to turn over to Alexander, but since he saw that the king was burdened with so many cares and with preparation for war, he waited from time to time for a more favourable opportunity, and thus incurred the suspicion of having harboured some criminal design. For the letter, before it was delivered to him, had come into Alexander’s hands, who, after reading and sealing it with a ring unknown to Sisines, had ordered that it be given to him, for the purpose of testing the barbarian’s loyalty. But since he had not approached Alexander for several days, it seemed that he had suppressed the letter with criminal intent, and he was killed on the march by the Cretans, undoubtedly by Alexander’s order.

  Iamque Graeci milites, quos Thymondas a Pharnabazo acceperat, praecipua spes et propemodum unica, ad Dareum pervenerant. [2] Hi magnopere suadebant, ut retro abiret spatiososque Mesopotamiae campos repeteret: si id consilium damnaret, at ille divideret saltem innumerabiles copias neu sub unum fortunae ictum totas vires regni cadere pateretur. [3] Minus hoc regi quam purpuratis eius displicebat: ancipitem fidem et mercede venalem proditioni imminere et dividi non ob aliud copias velle, quam ut ipsi in diversa digressi, si quid commissum esset, traderent Alexandro: [4] nihil tutius fore quam circumdatos eos exercitu toto obrui telis, documentum non inultae perfidiae futuros. [5] At Dareus, ut erat sanctus ac mitis, se vero tantum facinus negat esse facturum, ut suam secutos fidem, suos milites iubeat trucidari: quem deinde amplius nationum exterarum salutem suam crediturum sibi, si tot militum sanguine inbuisset manus? [6] Neminem stolidum consilium capite luere debere: defuturos enim, qui suaderent, si suasisse periculosum esset. Denique ipsos cotidie ad se advocari in consilium variasque sententias dicere, nec tamen melioris fidei haberi, qui prudentius suaserit. [7] Itaque Graecis nuntiari iubet, ipsum quidem benivolentiae illorum gratias agere, ceterum, si retro ire pergat, haud dubie regnum hostibus traditurum: fama bella stare et eum, qui recedat, fugere credi. [8] Trahendi vero belli vix ullam esse rationem: tantae enim multitudini, utique cum iam hiems instaret, in regione vasta et invicem a suis atque hoste vexata [p. 22] non suffectura alimenta. [9] Ne dividi quidem copias posse servato more maiorum, qui universas vires discrimini bellorum semper obtulerint. [10] Et, hercule, terribilem antea regem et absentia sua ad vanam fiduciam elatum, postquam adventare se senserit, cautum pro temerario factum delituisse inter angustias saltus ritu ignobilium ferarum, quae strepitu praetereuntium audito silvarum latebris se occulerent. [11] Iam etiam valitudinis simulatione frustrari suos milites. Sed non amplius ipsum esse passurum detrectare certamen:

  VIII. And now the Greek soldiers whom Thymondas had received from Pharnabazus had come to Darius, his principal and almost sole hope. They strongly advised him to go back and return to the spacious plains of Mesopotamia; or, if he disapproved of that plan, that he should at least divide his count - less forces and not allow the entire strength of his kingdom to fall under one stroke of Fortune. This advice was less displeasing to the king than to his courtiers; they declared that men of doubtful loyalty, to be bought for pay, were intent upon treachery, and wished his forces to be divided for no other purpose than that the Greeks might go off in different directions, and betray to Alexander whatever should be entrusted to them; that nothing would be more prudent than to surround them with his whole army and overwhelm them with weapons, as a lesson that treachery does not go unpunished.

  [4] But Darius, being upright and mild, declared that he certainly would not commit such a crime as to order men who had trusted his word, his own soldiers, to be [5] butchered; what man of the foreign nations would ever thereafter trust his safety to him, if he should have stained his hands with the blood of so many soldiers? No one ought to atone for stupid advice with his life; for there would be none who would give counsel, if to have advised were perilous. Finally they themselves were daily called to him for consultation, and expressed varying opinions, yet one who advised more wisely than another was not regarded as of greater loyalty. Accordingly, he ordered reply to be made to the Greeks, that he personally thanked them for their goodwill, but that if he should proceed to withdraw, he would undoubtedly be handing over his kingdom to the enemy; that the result of wars depends on reputation and one who retreats is believed to be in flight. In fact, there was hardly any reason for prolonging the war; for, especially since winter was already at hand, there would not be sufficient supplies for so great a multitude as his, in a devastated region which had been laid waste in turn by his own forces and by the enemy. Besides, his forces could not be divided if the custom of his forefathers was observed, who always opposed their entire strength to a crisis in war. And, by Heaven! Alexander, a king terrible before and now raised to vain self-confidence by the absence of his opponent, as soon as he knew that he was coming, made wary instead of rash, had hidden in the defiles of the mountains after the manner of inglorious beasts, which, when they hear the noise of wayfarers, conceal themselves in their lairs in the woods. That, moreover, Alexander was now deluding his soldiers by pretending to be ill. But that he would no longer suffer him to s
hun the conflict; in that cave into which the cowards had fled for refuge he would crush them all as they skulked there.

  [12] in illo specu, in quem pavidi recessissent, oppressurum esse cunctantes. Haec magnificentius iactata quam verius. Ceterum pecunia omni rerumque pretiosissimis Damascum Syriae cum modico praesidio militum missis reliquas copias in Ciliciam duxit insequentibus more patrio agmen coniuge ac matre. Virgines quoque cum parvo filio comitabantur patrem. [13] Forte eadem nocte et Alexander ad fauces, quibus Syria aditur, et Dareus ad eum locum, quem Amanicas Pylas vocant, pervenit. [14] Nec dubitavere Persae, quin Isso relicta, quam ceperant, Macedones fugerent: nam etiam saucii quidam et invalidi, qui agmen non poterant persequi, excepti erant. [15] Quos omnis instinctu purpuratorum barbara feritate saevientium praecisis adustisque manibus circumduci, ut copias suas noscerent, satisque omnibus spectatis nuntiare, quae vidissent, [16] regi suo iussit. Motis ergo castris superat Pinarum amnem in tergis, ut credebat, fugientium haesurus. At illi, quorum amputaverat manus, ad castra Macedonum penetrant Dareum, [17] quanto maximo cursu posset, sequi nuntiantes. Vix fides habebatur: itaque [p. 23] speculatores mari in eas regiones praemissos explorare iubet, ipse adesset, an praefectorum aliquis speciem praebuisset universi venientis exercitus. [18] Sed dum speculatores reverterentur, procul ingens multitudo conspecta est. Ignes deinde totis campis conlucer coeperunt, omniaque velut continenti incendio ardere visa, cum incondita multitudo maxime propter iumenta laxius tenderet. [19] Itaque eo ipso loco metari suos castra iusserat, laetus — quod omni expetierat voto — [20] in illis potissimum angustiis decernendum fore. Ceterum, ut solet fieri, cum ultimi discriminis tempus adventat, in sollicitudinem versa fiducia est. Illam ipsam fortunam, qua adspirante res tam prospere gesserat, verebatur nec iniuria ex his, quae tribuisset sibi, quamque mutabilis esset, reputabat: unam superesse noctem, quae tanti discriminis moraretur eventum. [21] Rursus occurrebat, maiora periculis praemia et, sicut dubium esset, an vinceret, ita illud utique certum esse, honeste et cum magna laude moriturum. [22] Itaque corpora milites curare iussit ac deinde tertia vigilia instructos et armatos esse: ipse in iugum editi montis escendit multisque conlucentibus facibus patrio more sacrificium dis praesidibus loci fecit. [23] Iamque tertium, sicut praeceptum erat, signum tuba miles acceperat itineri simul paratus ac proelio, strenueque iussi procedere oriente luce pervenerunt ad angustias, quas occupare decreverant. [24] Dareum XXX inde stadia abesse praemissi indicabant. Tunc consistere agmen iubet armisque ipse sumptis aciem ordinat. Dareo adventum hostium pavidi agrestes nuntiaverunt vix credenti occurrere etiam, quos ut fugientes [p. 24] sequebatur. [25] Invadebat ergo non mediocris omnium animos formido — quippe itineri quam proelio aptiores erant — , raptimque arma capiebant. Sed ipsa festinatio discurrentium suosque ad arma vocantium maiorem metum incussit: [26] alii in iugum montis evaserant, ut hostium agmen inde prospicerent, equos plerique frenabant. Discors exercitus nec ad unum intentus imperium vario tumultu cuncta turbaverat. [27] Dareus initio iugum montis cum parte copiarum occupare statuit, et a fronte et a tergo circumiturus hostem, a mari quoque, quo dextrum eius cornu tegebatur, alios obiecturus, ut undique urgueret. [28] Praeter haec viginti milia praemissa cum sagittariorum manu Pinarum amnem, qui duo agmina interfluebat, transire et obicere sese Macedonum copiis iusserat: si id praestare non possent, retrocedere in montes et occulte circuire ire ultimos hostium. [29] Ceterum destinata salubriter omni ratione potentior fortuna discussit: quippe alii prae metu imperium exequi non audebant, [30] alii frustra exequebantur, quia, ubi partes labant, summa turbatur.

  [12] These boasts were more pretentious than justified. However, after sending all his money and his most valuable possessions to Damascus in Syria, with a moderately large guard of soldiers, he led the rest of his forces into Cilicia, his wife and mother following the army, according to the custom of his nation. His unmarried daughters also, and his little son, accompanied their father.

  [13] It chanced that on the same night Alexander came to the pass by which Syria is entered, and Darius to the place which is known as the Amanican Gates.

  The Persians had no doubt that the Macedonians had abandoned Issus, which they had taken, and were in flight; in fact, some of the wounded and sick, who could not keep up with the army, were taken. All these, after their hands had been cut off and seared, at the instigation of his courtiers, who were raging with barbaric savagery, Darius ordered to be led about, in order that they might know his numbers, and then, after having had a full view of everything, might announce to their king what they had seen.

  [16] Then he moved his camp and crossed the river Pinarus, in order to follow hard on the backs of the fugitives, as he believed them to be. But those whose hands he had cut off made their way to the Macedonians’ camp and reported that Darius was following with the greatest speed of which he was capable. They could hardly be believed; therefore Alexander ordered scouts, sent ahead by sea to those regions, to find out whether Darius was coming in person, or whether some one of his generals had made believe that the whole army was on its way.

  [18] But while the scouts were returning, a great multitude was seen at a distance. Then fires began to shine all over the plains, and everything seemed ablaze with a continuous conflagration, since the disorderly throng pitched its tents over a greater space than usual, especially on account of the number of pack-animals. Hence Alexander ordered his men to measure off a camp right where they were, rejoicing because — as he had sought with every prayer — the battle would have to be fought in those narrow [20] quarters rather than anywhere else. However, as usually happens, when the time of the final decision drew near, his confidence gave place to anxiety. He feared that very Fortune through whose favour he had been so successful, and naturally enough, from what she had bestowed upon him he was led to think how fickle she is; a single night remained to delay the outcome of so great a crisis. On the other hand, he bethought himself that the prizes were greater than the dangers, and that although it was doubtful whether he would be victor, yet one thing at least was certain, that he would die nobly and with great glory.

  [22] Therefore he ordered the soldiers to refresh themselves, and then to be ready and armed at the third watch; he himself mounted to the summit of a lofty mountain and by the bright light of many torches offered sacrifice to the tutelary gods of the place. And now the soldiers, ready at the same time for both the march and for battle, had received the third signal of the trumpet and, as warned beforehand, were ordered to advance vigorously; and at daybreak they came to the narrow place which they had decided to hold. Those who had been sent ahead reported that Darius was thirty stadia distant from there. Then Alexander ordered the army to halt, and having armed himself arranged his order of battle.

  The terrified peasants reported the coming of the enemy to Darius, who found it difficult to believe that those whom he was pursuing as fugitives were actually advancing to meet him. Hence no slight dread assailed the minds of all — for they were prepared rather for marching than for battle — and they hurriedly armed themselves. But the very haste of those who were running about and calling their companions to arms inspired greater fear; some had gone up to the ridge of the mountain to look out from there for the enemy’s line of march, very many were bridling their horses. The army, in disorder and attending to more than one command, by its varied tumult had thrown everything into confusion.

  [27] In the beginning Darius had determined to take possession of the ridge of the mountain with a part of his forces, intending to surround the enemy in front and in the rear; and on the side also of the sea, by which his right wing was protected, he planned to throw forward others, in order to press hard on all [28] sides at once. Besides this, he had ordered twenty thousand, who had been sent ahead with a force of archers, to cross the Pinarus River, which flowed between the two armies, and to oppose themselves to the forces of the Macedonians; if they could not accomplish that, they were to withdraw to the mountains and secretly surround the hindmost of the enemy. But Fortune, more powerful than any [30] ca
lculation, shattered this advantageous plan; for because of fear some did not dare to carry out the order, others vainly tried to do so, because, when parts waver, the whole is upset.

  Acies autem hoc modo stetit. Nabarzanes equitatu dextrum cornu tuebatur additis fundi torum sagittariorumque viginti fere milibus. [2] In eodem Thymondas erat Graecis peditibus mercede conductis, triginta milibus, praepositus. [3] Hoc erat haud dubie robur exercitus, par Macedonicae phalangi acies. In laevo cornu Aristomedes Thessalus xx milia barbarorum peditum habebat. [4] In subsidiis pugnacissimas locaverat gentes. Ipsum regem in eodem cornu dimicaturum tria milia delectorum equitum, adsueta corporis custodia, et pede- [p. 25] stris acies, [5] quadraginta milia sequebantur, Hyrcani deinde Medique equites, his proximi ceterarum gentium ultra eos dextra laevaque dispositi. Hoc agmen, sicut dictum est, instructum vi milia iaculatorum funditorumque antecedebant. [6] Quidquid in illis angustiis adiri poterat, inpleverant copiae, cornuaque hinc ab iugo, illinc a mari stabant, uxorem matremque regis et alium feminarum gregem in medium agmen acceperant. [7] Alexander phalangem, qua nihil apud Macedonas validius erat, in fronte constituit. Dextrum cornu Nicanor, Parmenionis filius, tuebatur: huic proximi stabant Coenos et Perdiccas et Meleager et Ptolomaeus et Amyntas, sui quisque agminis duces. [8] In laevo, quod ad mare pertinebat, Craterus et Parmenio erant, sed Craterus Parmenioni parere iussus. Equites ab iitroque cornu locati: dextrum Macedones Thessalis adiunctis, laevum Peloponnesii tuebantur. [9] Ante hanc aciem posuerat funditorum manum sagittariis admixtis. Thraces quoque et Cretenses ante agmen ibant, et ipsi leviter armati. [10] At iis, qui praemissi ab Dareo iugum montis insederant, Agrianos opposuit ex Thraecia nuper advectos. Parmenioni autem praeceperat, ut, quantum posset, agmen ad mare extenderet, quo longius abesset acies montibus, quos occupaverant barbari. [11] At illi neque obstare venientibus nec circumire praetergressos ausi funditorum maxime aspectu territi profugerant, eaque res Alexandro tu tum agminis latus, quod ne superne incesseretur, timuerat, praestitit. [12] XXX et duo [p. 26] armatorum ordines ibant: neque enim latins extendi aciem patiebantur angustiae. Paulatim deinde laxare semet sinus montium et maius spatium aperire coeperant, ita ut non pedes solum pluribus in ordinem incedere, sed etiam lateribus circumfundi posset equitatus.