This sorrow was made greater by news of the death of Andromachus, to whom he had given the charge of Syria; the Samaritans had burned him alive. To avenge his murder, he hastened to the spot with all possible speed, and on his arrival those who had been guilty of so great a crime were delivered to him.
Then he put Menon in place of Andromachus and executed those who had slain his general. Certain tyrants, including Aristonicus and Stesilaiis of Methymnê, he handed over to their own subjects, who put them to death by torture because of their outrages.
Then Alexander gave audience to the envoys of the Athenians, the Rhodians, and the Chians; the Athenians congratulated him on his victory and begged that the Greek prisoners should be restored to their country; the Rhodians and the Chians made complaints of their garrisons. The requests of all seemed just, and were granted. To the people of Mitylenê also, because of their remarkable loyalty to his cause, he not only repaid the money which they had spent on the war, but also added a great tract of neighbouring territory. To the kings of the Cypriotes besides, who had both gone over from Darius to him and had sent him a fleet when he was besieging Tyre, honour was paid according to their deserts.
Then Amphoterus, commander of the fleet, was sent to free Crete — for many parts of that island were beset by the arms both of the Persians and of the Spartans — with orders above all to clear the sea of the pirate fleets; for it was a prey to corsairs, who [16] made war on both kings. After attending to these affairs, he dedicated a mixing-bowl of gold and thirty cups to the Tyrian Hercules, and, intent upon Darius, ordered a march towards the Euphrates to be announced.
At Dareus, cum Aegypto devertisse in Africam hostem conperisset, dubitaverat, utrumme circa Mesopotamiam subsisteret an interiora regni sui peteret, haud dubie potentior auctor praesens futurus ultimis gentibus inpigre bellum capessendi, quas aegre per praefectos suos moliebatur. [2] Sed ut idoneis auctoribus fama vulgavit Alexandrum cum omnibus copiis, quamcumque ipse adisset regionem, petiturum, haud ignarus, quam cum strenuo res esset, omnia longinquarum gentium auxilia Babyloniam contrahi iussit. Bactriani Scythaeque et Indi convenerant iam, et ceterarum gentium copiae partibus simul adfuerunt. [3] Ceterum cum dimidio ferme maior esset exercitus, quam in Cilicia fuerat, multis arma deerant. Quae summa cura [p. 72] conparabantur: equitibus equisque tegumenta erant ex ferreis lamminis serie inter se conexis, quis antea praeter iacula nihil dederat, scuta gladiique adiciebantur, [4] equorumque greges peditibus distributi sunt, ut maior pristino esset equitatus. [5] Ingensque, ut credebat, hostium terror ducentae falcatae quadrigae, unicum illarum gentium auxilium, secutae sunt: ex summo temone hastae praefixae ferro eminebant, utrimque a iugo ternos direxerat gladios, inter radios rotarum plura spicula eminebant in adversum, aliae deinde falces summissae e rotarum orbibus haerebant et aliae in terram demissae, quidquid obvium concitatis equis fuisset, amputaturae. [6] Hoc modo instructo exercitu ac perarmato Babylone copias movit. A parte dextra erat Tigris, nobilis fluvius, laevam tegebat Euphrates, agmen Mesopotamiae campos inpleverat. [7] Tigri deinde superato cum audisset haud procul abesse hostem, Satropaten, equitum praefectum, cum mille delectis praemisit. [8] Mazaeo praetori sex milia data, quibus hostem transitu amnis arceret: eidem mandatum, ut regionem, quam Alexander esset aditurus, popularetur atque ureret. Quippe credebat inopia debellari posse nihil habentem, nisi quod rapiendo occupasset: ipsi autem commeatus alii terra, alii Tigri amne subvehebantur. [9] Iam pervenerat Arbela, vicum ignobilem, nobilem sua clade facturus. Hic [p. 73] commeatuum sarcinarumque maiore parte deposita Lycum amnem ponte iunxit et per dies quinque sicut ante Euphraten traiecit exercitum. [10] Inde octoginta fere stadia progressus ad alterum amnem — Boumelo nomen est — castra posuit. Opportuna explicandis copiis regio erat, equitabilis et vasta planities: ne stirpes quidem et brevia virgulta operiunt solum, liberque prospectus oculorum etiam ad ea, quae procul recessere, pennittitur: atque, si qua campi eminebant, iussit aequari totumque fastigium extendi. [11] Alexandro, qui numerum copiarum eius, quantum procul coniectari poterat, aestimabant, vix fecerunt fidem tot milibus caesis maiores copias esse reparatas. [12] Ceterum omnis periculi et maxime multitudinis contemptor undecimis castris ad Euphraten pervenit. Quo pontibus iuncto equites primos ire, phalangem sequi iubet Mazaeo, qui ad inhibendum transitum eius cum sex milibus equitum occurrerat, non auso perieulum sui facere. [13] Paucis deinde non ad quietem, sed ad praeparandos animos diebus datis militi strenue hostem insequi coepit metuens, ne interiora regni sui peteret sequendusque esset per loca omni solitudine atque inopia vasta. [14] Igitur quarto decimo die praeter Armeniam penetrat ad Tigrin. Tota regio ultra amnem recenti fumabat incendio: quippe Mazaeus, quaecumque adierat, haud secus quam hostis urebat. [15] Ac primo caligine, quam fumus effuderat, obscurante lucem insidiarum metu substitit, deinde ut speculatores praemissi tuta omnia nuntiaverunt, paucos equitum ad [p. 74] temptandum vadum fluminis praemisit. Cuius altitude primo summa equorum pectora, mox, ut in medium alveum ventum est, cervices quoque aequabat. [16] Nee sane alius amnis ad Orientis plagam tam violentus invehitur multorum torrentium non aquas solum, sed etiam saxa secum trahens. Itaque a celeritate, qua defluit, Tigri nomen est inditum, quia Persica lingua tigrin sagittam appellant. [17] Igitur pedes velut divisus in cornua circumdato equitatu, levatis super capita armis haud aegre ad ipsum alveum penetrat. [18] Primus inter pedites rex egressus in ripam vadum militibus manu, quando vox exaudiri non poterat, ostendit. Sed gradum firmare vix poterant, cum modo saxa lubrica vestigium fallerent, [19] modo rapidior unda subduceret. Praecipuus erat labor eorum, qui humeris onera portabant: quippei cum semetipsos regere non possent, in rapidos gurgites incommodo onere auferebantur, et dum sua quisque spolia consequi studet, maior inter ipsos quam cum amni orta luctatio est, cumulique sarcinarum passim fluitantes plerosque perculerant. [20] Rex monere, ut satis haberent arma retinere: cetera se redditurum. Sed neque consilium neque imperium accipi poterat: obstrepebat hinc metus, praeter hunc invicem luctantium mutuus clamor. [21] Tandem, qua leniore tractu amnis aperit vadum, [22] emersere, nec quicquam praeter paucas sarcinas desideratum est. Deleri potuit exercitus, si quis vincere ausus esset, sed perpetua fortuna regis avertit inde hostem. Sic Granicum tot milibus equitum peditumque in ulteriore stantibus ripa superavit. sic angustis in Ciliciae callibus tantam multitudinem [p. 75] hostium: [23] audaciae quoque, qua maxime viguit, ratio minui potest, quia numquam in discrimen venit, an temere fecisset. Mazaeus, qui, si transeuntibus flumen supervenisset, haud dubie oppressurus fuit inconpositos, in ripa demum ad iam perarmatos adequitare coepit. [24] Mille admodum equites praemiserat: quorum paucitate Alexander explorata, deinde contempta praefectum Paeonum equitum Aristona laxatis habenis invehi iussit. [25] Insignis eo die pugna equitum et praecipue Aristonis fuit: praefectum equitatus Persarum Satropaten directa in guttur hasta transfixit fugientemque per medios hostes consecutus ex equo praecipitavit et obluctanti gladio caput dempsit. Quod relatum magna cum laude ante regis pedes posuit.
IX. But Darius, when he learned that his enemy had turned aside from Egypt into Africa, hesitated whether to halt in the neighbourhood of Mesopotamia or to make for the interior parts of his realm, thinking that he would undoubtedly be a more influential advocate of taking up war resolutely, if he were present in person with those remote nations, which he was with difficulty arousing through his satraps.
[2] But when the report spread abroad on good authority that Alexander with all his forces would seek him in whatever region he should take refuge, being well aware with how energetic a foe he had to deal, he ordered all the aid from distant nations to be assembled in Babylonia. The Bactriani and Scythians, as well as the Indi, had already come together, and the forces of the remaining nations also were present to help his cause.
But although the army was almost half again as large as it had been in Cilicia, many lacked arms. These were being procured with the greatest zeal; the cavalry and their horses had coverings of iron plates joined together in one mesh; to those to whom before he had given nothing but javelins, shields and swords were added,
and herds of horses to be broken were distributed to the infantrymen, in order that the cavalry might be more numerous than before. And as a mighty terror to the foe, he believed, two hundred scythed chariots a supplementary arm peculiar to those nations, followed; from the end of the pole spears tipped with iron projected, and on each side of the yoke he had affixed three swords on each side, between the spokes of the wheels many sharp points projected in opposite directions to each other, and then other scythes fixed in the rim of the wheels pointed upwards, and still others pointed towards the ground, to cut to pieces whatever came in the way of the horses as they were swiftly driven on.
[6] When his army had been equipped and thoroughly armed in this way, Darius moved his forces from Babylon. On his right side was the Tigris, a famous river, the Euphrates protected his left side, his army [7] had filled the plains of Mesopotamia. Then, after crossing the Tigris, when he heard that the enemy was not far off, he sent ahead Satropates, commander of the cavalry, with 1000 elite horsemen. To Mazaeus, satrap of Babylon, 6000 were given, with which to keep the enemy from crossing the river; [8] he was also directed to pillage and burn the region which Alexander was about to approach. For Darius believed that his enemy could be vanquished by want, since he had nothing except what he could seize by pillage; but to himself supplies were being brought, some by land, others by the Tigris River.
[9] And now he had reached Arbela, an insignificant village, but one which he was to make famous by his disaster. Here he left the greater part of his provisions and baggage, bridged the river Lycus, and as before at the Euphrates spent five days in getting his army across. From there, having advanced about eighty stadia, he pitched his camp by a second river — its name is Boumelus. It was a region most advantageous for deploying his forces, being an empty plain suitable for cavalry; not even shrubs and short bushes hide the ground, and an unobstructed view is allowed even to objects which are far away; and if there was any eminence in the plains, he gave orders that it should be levelled and the whole rising made fiat.
[11] Those who estimated the number of Darius’ forces, so far as it could be inferred from a distance, could hardly make Alexander believe that after so many thousands had been killed still greater forces had been recruited. But being a man who scorned every danger, and especially great numbers, he encamped on the eleventh day at the Euphrates. Having bridged the river in two places, he ordered the cavalry to go first and the phalanx to follow; for Mazaeus, who had hastened to the spot with 6000 horsemen in order to prevent his crossing, did not dare to risk himself in a battle. Then, after a few days had been granted to the soldiers, not for rest, but to strengthen their morale, he began vigorously to follow the enemy, for fear that Darius might make for the interior of his kingdom and that it might be necessary to follow him through places altogether deserted and without supplies. Accordingly on the fourteenth day he penetrated beyond Armenia to the Tigris. The entire region beyond the river was smoking from a recent conflagration; for Mazaeus was setting fire to whatever he came to, as if it were the enemy’s territory. And at first, since the darkness which the smoke had spread abroad obscured the light of day, Alexander halted through fear of ambuscades, then, as the scouts that had been sent ahead reported that all was safe, he sent on a few of the cavalry, to try to ford the river. The water rose at first as high as the horses’ flanks, then, when they came to mid-channel, to their necks as well.
[16] And certain it is that no other river in the region of the Orient rushes on with such violence, carrying with it not only the waters of many torrents, but also rocks. And so, from the speed of its flow it has been given the name “Tigris,” because in the Persian tongue they call an arrow tigris.
[17] Therefore the infantry, as if divided into wings encircled by the cavalry, and carrying their arms over their heads, without any difficulty penetrated to the mid-channel. The king being the first among the infantry to land on the farther bank, pointed out the shallower water to the soldiers with his hand, when his voice could not be heard. But they could with difficulty keep a firm footing, since now the slippery stones deceived their steps and now too swift a current swept their feet away. The toil of those was the greatest who carried burdens upon their shoulders; for since they could not direct their own course they were carried away by the unmanageable burden into swift and deep places, and while each man was striving to save his own spoils, a greater struggle arose among themselves than with the river, and the heaps of packs floating here and there had upset many of them. The king admonished them to be satisfied with keeping hold of their weapons; that he would restore everything else. But neither advice nor command could be heard; on the one hand fear dazed them, and besides this their shouting at one [21] another as they struggled together. At last, where the current of the river was less violent and disclosed shallower water, they landed, without the loss of anything except a few packs.
The army could have been destroyed, if anyone had had the courage to conquer it, but the king’s constant good fortune turned the enemy from the spot. In the same way he crossed the Granicus, while so many thousands of horse and foot were at a standstill on the further bank; thus in the narrow passes of Cilicia he overcame such a horde of foes; even the charge of reckless daring, which he had in abundance, can have less force, because there was never opportunity to decide whether he had acted rashly. Mazaeus, who, if he had fallen upon them while they were crossing the river, would undoubtedly have overwhelmed them in their disorder, did not begin to ride against them until they were on the bank and fully armed. Mazaeus had sent ahead only 1000 horsemen; and Alexander, having ascertained their small number and then treated it with scorn, ordered Ariston, commander of the Paeonian cavalry, to charge them at full speed.” [25] Glorious on that day was the fighting of the cavalry, and in particular of Ariston; aiming his spear straight at the throat of Satropates, leader of the Persian horsemen, he ran it through, then overtaking him as he fled through the midst of the enemy, hurled him from his horse, and in spite of his resistance cut off his head with a sword, brought it back, and amid great applause laid it at the king’s feet.
Biduo ibi stafiva rex habuit: in proximum deinde pronuntiari iter iussit. [2] Sed prima fere vigilia luna deficiens primum nitorem sideris sui condidit, deinde sanguinis colore suffuso lumen omne foedavit, sollicitisque sub ipsum tanti discriminis casum ingens religio et ex ea formido quaedam incussa est. [3] Dis invitis in ultimas terras trahi se querebantur: iam nec flumina posse adiri nec sidera pristinum servare fulgorem, vastas terras, deserta omnia occurrere: in unius hominis iactationem tot milium sanguinem inpendi, [p. 76] fastidio esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem, caelum vanis cogitationibus petere regem. [4] Pro seditione res erat, cum ad omnia interritus duces principesque militum frequentes adesse praetorio iubet Aegyptiosque vates, [5] quos caeli ac siderum peritissimos esse credebat, quid sentirent, expromere iubet. At illi, qui satis scir.ent temporum orbes inplere destinatas vices lunamque deficere, cum aut terram subiret aut sole premeretur, rationem quidem ipsis perceptam non edocent valgus: [6] ceterum adfirmant solem Graecorum, lunam esse Persarum, quotiensque ilia deficiat, ruinam stragemque illis gentibus portendi, veteraque exempla percensent Persidis regum, quos adversis dis pugnasse lunae ostendisset defectio. [7] Nulla res multitudinem efficacius regit quam superstitio: alioqui inpotens, saeva, mutabilis, ubi vana religione capta est, melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret. Igitur edita in vulgus Aegyptiorum responsa rursus ad spem et fiduciam erexere torpentes. [8] Rex impetu animorum utendum ratus secunda vigilia castra movit: [9] dextra Tigrim habebat, a laeva montes, quos Gordyaeos vocant. Hoc ingressis iter speculatores, qui praemissi erant, sub lucis ortum Dareum adventare nuntiaverunt. Instructo igitur milite et conposito agmine antecedebat. [10] Sed Persarum moratores erant, mille ferme, qui speciem magni agminis fecerant : quippe ubi explorari vera non possunt, falsa per metum augentur. [11] His cognitis rex cum paucis suorum adsecutus agmen refugientium [p. 77] ad suos alios cecidit, cepit alios: equitesque praemisit speculatum, si
mul ut ignem, quo barbari cremaverant vicos, extinguerent. [12] Quippe fugientes raptim tectis acervisque frumenti iniecerant flammas, quae cum in summo haesissent, ad inferiora nondum penetraverant. [13] Extincto igitur igne plurimum frumenti repertum est: copia aliarum quoque rerum abundare coeperunt. Ea res ipsa militi ad persequendum hostem animum incendit: quippe urente et populante eo terram festinandum erat, ne incendio cuncta praeciperet. [14] In rationem ergo necessitas versa est: quippe Mazaeus, qui antea per otium vicos incenderat, iam fugere contentus pleraque inviolata hosti reliquit. [15] Alexander haud longius CL stadiis Dareum a se abesse conpererat: itaque ad satietatem quoque copia commeatuum instructus quadriduo in eodem loco substitit. [16] Interceptae deinde Darei litterae sunt, quibus Graeci milites sollicitabantur, ut regem aut interficerent aut proderent, dubitavitque, an eas pro contione recitaret, satis confisus Graecorum quoque erga se benivolentiae ac fidei. [17] Sed Parmenio deterruit non esse talibus promissis inbuendas aures militum adfirmans: patere vel unius insidiis regem, nihil nefas esse avaritiae. [18] Secutus consilii auctorem castra movit. Iter facienti spado e captivis, qui Darei uxorem comitabantur, deficere eam nuntiat et vix spiritum ducere. [19] Itineris continui labore animique aegritudine fatigata inter socrus et virginum filiarum manus conlapsa erat, deinde [p. 78] et extincta. [20] Id ipsum nuntians alius supervenit. Et rex haud secus, quam si parentis mors nuntiata esset, crebros edidit gemitus lacrimisque obortis, qualis Dareus profudisset, in tabernaculum, in quo mater erat Darei defuncto adsidens corpori, venit. [21] Hic vero renovatus est maeror, ut prostratam humi vidit. Recenti malo priorum quoque admonita receperat in gremium adultas virgines, magna quidem mutui doloris solacia, sed quibus ipsa deberet esse solacio. [22] In conspectu erat nepos parvulus, ob id ipsum miserabilis, quod nondum sentiebat calamitatem ex maxima parte ad ipsum redundantem. [23] Crederes Alexandrum inter suas necessitudines flere et solacia non adhibere, sed quaerere. Cibo certe abstinuit omnemque honorem funeri patrio Persarum more servavit, dignus hercule, qui nunc quoque tantae et mansuetudinis et continentiae ferat fructum. [24] Semel omnino eam viderat, quo die capta est, nec ut ipsam, sed ut Darei matrem videret, eximiamque pulchritudinem formae eius non libidinis habuerat invitamentum, sed gloriae. [25] E spadonibus, qui circa reginam erant, Tyriotes inter trepidationem lugentium elapsus per eam portam, quae, quia ab hoste aversa erat, levius custodiebatur, ad Darei castra pervenit exceptusque a vigilibus in tabernaculum regis perducitur gemens et veste lacerata. [26] Quem ut conspexit Dareus, multiplici doloris expectatione commotus et, quid potissimum timeret, incertus: ‘Vultus,’ inquit, ‘tuus nescio quod ingens malum praefert, sed cave miseri hominis auribus parcas: didici esse infelix, et saepe calamitatis solacium [p. 79] est nosse sortem suam. [27] Num, quod maxime suspicor, eloqui timeo, ludibria meorum nuntiaturus es mihi et, [28] ut credo, ipsis quoque omni tristiora supplicio?’ Ad haec Tyriotes: ‘Istud quidem procul abest,’ inquit: ‘quantuscumque enim reginis honos ab his, qui parent, haberi potest, tuis a victore servatus est. Sed uxor tua paulo ante excessit e vita.’ [29] Tunc vero non gemitus modo, sed etiam eiulatus totis castris exaudiebatur. Nec dubitavit Dareus, quin interfecta esset, quia nequisset contumeliam perpeti, exclamatque a1nens dolore: ‘Quod ego tantum nefas commisi, Alexander? quem tuorum propinquorum necavi, ut hanc vicem redderes saevitiae meae? Odisti me non quidem provocatus: sed finge iustum intulisse te bellum, cum feminis ergo agere debueras?’ [30] Tyriotes adfirmare per deos patrios nihil in eam gravius esse consultum: ingemuisse etiam Alexandrum morti et non parcius flevisse, quam ipse lacrimaret. [31] Ob haec ipsa amantis animus in sollicitudinem suspicionemque revolutus est, desiderium captivae profecto a consuetudine stupri ortum esse coniectans. [32] Summotis igitur arbitris, uno dumtaxat Tyriote retento iam non flens, sed suspirans: ‘Videsne,’ inquit, ‘Tyriote, locum mendacio non esse? tormenta iam hic erunt, sed ne expectaveris per deos, si quid tibi tui regis reverentiae est: num, quod et scire expeto et quaerere pudet, ausus est et dominus et iuvenis?’ Ille quaestioni corpus offer re, [33] deos testes [p. 80] [34] invocare, caste sancteque habitam esse reginam. Tandem ut fides facta est vera esse, quae adfirmaret spado, capite velato diu flevit manantibusque adhuc lacrimis, veste ab ore reiecta ad caelum manus tendens: ‘Di patrii,’ inquit, ‘primum mihi stabilite regnum, deinde, si de me iam transactum est, precor, ne quis potius Asiae rex sit quam iste tam iustus hostis, tam misericors victor.’
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 85