Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  The youth, on hearing this, steadfastly denied that he had pledged his faith to take part in treason, and said that he could not be bound by any religious obligation to keep the crime secret. Dymnus, mad both with love and with fear, seizing the youth’s hand and weeping, begged first that he would take part in the design and its execution; if he could not bring himself to do that, at least he would not betray him, whose goodwill towards Nicomachus, besides all the rest, had this very evident proof, that he had trusted his life to his loyalty without previously testing it.

  Finally, when the youth persisted in expressing abhorrence of the crime, Dymnus tried to terrify him by fear of death, saying that the conspirators would [11] begin their glorious deed by taking his life. Then calling him now effeminate and womanishly timid, and now the betrayer of his lover, now making vast promises, sometimes even royal power, he worked upon a mind to which such a deed was utterly abhorrent. Then applying a drawn sword, now to Nicomachus’ throat and now to his own, at the same time a suppliant and an enemy, Dymnus at last forced him to promise, not only silence, but even support.

  [13] Yet the lad, being of a most steadfast spirit — indeed he should have been chaste — had made no change in his former resolution, but pretended that, overcome with [14] love for Dymnus, he could refuse him nothing. Then he went on to inquire with whom he had entered upon an association of so great importance; it made a great deal of difference, he said, what sort of men were going to put their hands to so memorable an [15] enterprise. Dymnus, almost crazed by love and guilt, at the same time thanked him, and also congratulated him that he had not hesitated to join with the bravest of men, Demetrius, one of the body-guard, Peucolaus, Nicanor; to these he added Aphobetus, Iolaüs, Theoxenus, Archepolis, Amyntas.

  [16] On being dismissed from this conference, Nicomachus reported to his brother — his name was Cebalinus — what he had heard. They agreed that Nicomachus should stay in his brother’s tent, for fear that, if he, who was not accustomed to approach the king, should enter the royal apartment, the conspirators might learn that they had been betrayed.

  [17] Cebalinus himself stood before the vestibule of the tent — for nearer access was not allowed him — waiting for someone of the first rank of the king’s friends, [18] to admit him to Alexander’s presence. It happened that when the rest had been dismissed, Philotas, son of Parmenion, alone — it is not known for what reason — had remained in the royal apartment; to him Cebalinus, in confused words and showing signs of great perturbation, disclosed what he had learned from his brother, and asked that it be reported to the [19] king without delay. Philotas, after strongly commending him, at once went in to Alexander, and having talked with him for some time about other matters, reported nothing of what he had learned [20] from Cebalinus. Towards evening the young man met Philotas in the vestibule of the royal apartment, as he was coming out, and asked him whether he had done what he requested. Philotas alleged that the king had had no time to talk with him, [21] and went away. On the following day Cebalinus was on hand when Philotas came to the royal apartment, and reminded him, as he entered, of the matter which he had communicated to him the day before. Philotas replied that he was attending to it, but did not even then disclose to the king what he [22] had heard. Cebalinus began to suspect him, and so, thinking that there ought to be no further obstruction, he told a young nobleman — his name was Metron — who had charge of the armoury, of the [23] crime which was being planned. He, after having concealed Cebalinus in the armoury, at once revealed to the king, who chanced to be taking a bath, what [24] the informer had reported. The king sent his attend ants to arrest Dymnus, and entered the armoury. There Cebalinus, transported with joy, said: — I have you safe, snatched from the hands of impious men.” Then Alexander, after inquiring about all the particulars, learned the whole matter in detail. And again the king went on to inquire how long it was since Nicomachus had given him the information And when Cebalinus admitted that it was two days before, Alexander, thinking him of doubtful loyalty in reporting so long afterwards what he had [27] heard ordered that he be put in fetters. But Cebalinus began to cry out that at the very moment that he had heard of it he had run to Philotas; that it was by him that what he had learned was concealed.

  [28] When the king asked again and again whether he had gone to Philotas, and whether he had urged him that they should go to Alexander and Cebalinus persisted in affirming what he had said, the king, raising his hands to heaven, with flowing tears began to lament that such requital had been made him by one who had formerly been the dearest of his friends.

  [29] In the meantime Dymnus, well aware why he was summoned by the king, gave himself a severe wound with a sword which he chanced to be wearing, and being stopped by the guards who ran up, was [30] brought into the royal apartment. The king, looking him in the eye, said: “What great wrong have I planned against you, Dymnus, that you should think Philotas more worthy to rule the Macedonians, than I am myself?” But speech had already failed Dymnus; and so, uttering a groan and averting his face from the king’s gaze, he forthwith swooned and died.

  [31] The king, having ordered Philotas to come to the royal tent, said: “Cebalinus deserved the extreme penalty, if he concealed for two days a plot aimed at my life; but he has substituted Philotas as the one guilty of that offence, since he declares that he immediately reported the information to him.

  The closer the degree of friendship which you have with me, the greater is the crime of your secrecy, and I at any rate admit that such action becomes Cebalinus rather than Philotas. You have a favourable judge, if what ought not to have been done can at least be excused.”

  [33] To these words Philotas, in no wise disturbed, if his feelings were judged from his expression, replied that Cebalinus had, it was true, reported to him the talk of a wanton, but that he himself put no trust in an authority of so little weight, fearing besides lest he should be laughed at by the rest if he reported [34] a quarrel between a lover and his favourite; but since Dymnus had made away with himself, it ought not to have been passed over in silence, whatever its nature was. Then, throwing his arms about the king, he began to entreat him to have regard to his past life rather than to a fault which, after all, was only [35] one of silence, and not of any action I could not readily say whether the king believed him, or suppressed his anger deep in his heart; he offered him his right hand as a pledge of renewed favour, saying that it appeared to him that the information was scorned rather than concealed.

  Rex deinde in contionem procedit vultu praeferens dolorem animi. Amicorum quoque maestitia expectationem haud parvam rei fecerat. [2] Diu rex demisso in terram vultu attonito stupentique similis stetit, tandem recepto animo: ‘Paene,’ inquit, ‘milites, hominum scelere vobis ereptus sum: deum Providentia et misericordia vivo. Conspectusque vestri [p. 182] venerabilis coegit, ut vehementius parricidis irascerer, quoniam is primus, immo unus vitae meae fructus est, tot fortissimis viris et de me optime meritis referre adhuc gratiam posse.’ [3] Interrupit orationem militum gemitus, obortaeque sunt omnibus lacrimae. Tum rex: ‘Quanto,’ inquit, ‘maiorem in animis vestris motum excitabo, cum tanti sceleris auctores ostendero! Quorum mentionem adhuc reformido et, tamquam salvi esse possint, nominibus abstineo. [4] Sed vincenda est memoria pristinae caritatis et coniuratio impiorum civium detegenda. Quomodo autem tantum nefas sileam? Parmenio, illa aetate, tot meis, tot parentis mei meritis devinctus, omnium nobis amicorum vetustissimus, [5] ducem se sceleri tanto praebuit. Minister eius Philotas Peucolaum et Demetrium et nunc Dymnum, cuius corpus aspicitis, ceterosque eiusdem amentiae in caput meum subornavit.’ [6] Fremitus undique indignantium querentiumque tota contione obstrepebat, qualis solet esse multitudinis et maxime militaris, ubi aut studio agitur aut ira. [7] Nicomachus deinde et Metron et Cebalinus producti, quae quisque detulerat, exponunt. Nullius eorum indicio Philotas ut particeps sceleris destinabatur. Itaque indignatione expressa vox invicem silentio excepta est. [8] Tum rex: ‘Qualis,’ inquit, ‘ergo animi vobis videtur, qui huiu
s rei delatum indicium ad ipsum suppressit? Quod non fuisse vanum Dymni [p. 183] exitus declarat. [9] Incertam rem deferens tormenta non timuit Cebalinus, nee Metron ne momentum quidem temporis distulit exonerare se, ut eo, ubi lavabar, inrumperet: [10] Philotas solus nihil timuit, nihil credidit. O magni animi virum! Iste regis periculo commoveretur, vultum mutaret, indicem tantae rei sollicitus audiret! [11] Subest nimirum silentio facinus, et avida spes regni praecipitem animum ad ultimum nefas inpulit. Pater Mediae praeest: ipse apud multos copiarum duces meis praepotens viribus maiora, quam capit, spirat. [12] Orbitas quoque mea, quod sine liberis sum, spernitur. Sed errat Philotas. In vobis liberos, parentes, consanguineos habeo: vobis salvis orbus esse non possum.’ Epistulam deinde Parmenionis interceptam, [13] quam ad filios Nicanorem et Philotan scripserat, recitat haud sane indicium gravioris consilii praeferentem. [14] Namque summa eius haec erat: ‘Primum vestri curam agite, deinde vestrorum: sic enim, quae destinavimus, [15] efficiemus.’ Adiecitque rex sic esse scriptam, ut, sive ad filios pervenisset, a consciis posset intellegi, sive intercepta esset, falleret ignaros. [16] ‘At enim Dymnus, cum ceteros participes sceleris indicaret, Philotan non nominavit! Hoc quidem illius non innocentiae, sed potentiae indicium est, quod sic ab iis timetur etiam, a quibus prodi potest, ut, cum de se fateantur, ilium tamen celent. Ceterum Philotan ipsius indicat vita. [p. 184] [17] Hic Amyntae, qui mihi consobrinus fuit et in Macedonia capiti meo impias conparavit insidias, socium se et conscium adiunxit. Hic Attalo, quo graviorem inimicum non habui, sororem suam in matrimonium dedit. [18] Hic, cum scripsissem ei pro iure tam familiaris usus atque amicitiae, qualis sors edita esset Iovis Hammonis oraculo, sustinuit rescribere, mihi se quidem gratulari, quod in numerum deorum receptus essem, ceterum misereri eorum, quibus vivendum esset sub eo, qui modum hominis excederet. [19] Haec sunt et iam pridem animi alienati a me et invidentis gloriae meae indicia. Quae equidem, milites, quamdiu licuit, in animo meo pressi. Videbar enim mihi partem viscerum meorum abrumpere, si, in quos tam magna contuleram viliores mihi facerem. [20] Sed iam non verba punienda sunt: linguae temeritas pervenit ad gladios. [21] Hos, si mihi creditis, Philotas in me acuit, si ipsi, admisit. Quo me conferam, milites? cui caput meum credam? Equitatui, optimae exercitus parti, principibus nobilissimae iuventutis, eum praefeci, salutem, spem, victoriam meam fidei eius tutelaeque commisi. [22] Patrem in idem fastigium, in quo me ipsi posuistis, admovi, Mediam, qua nulla opulentior regio est, et tot civium sociorumque milia imperio eius dicionique subieci. Unde praesidium petieram, periculum extitit. [23] Quam feliciter in acie occidissem, potius hostis praeda [p. 185] quam civis victima! Nunc servatus ex periculis, quae sola timui, [24] in haec incidi, quae timere non debui. Soletis identidem a me, milites, petere, ut saluti meae parcam. Ipsi mihi praestare potestis, quod suadetis, ut faciam. Ad vestras manus, ad vestra arma confugio: invitis vobis salvus esse nolo, volentibus non possum, [25] nisi vindicor.’ Tum Philotan religatis post tergum manibus obsoleto amiculo velatum iussit induci. Facile adparebat, motos esse tam miserabili habitu non sine invidia paulo ante conspecti. [26] Ducem equitatus pridie viderant, sciebant regis interfuisse convivio : repente reum quidem, sed iam damnatum, immo vinctum intuebantur. [27] Subibat animos Parmenionis quoque, tanti ducis, tam clari civis, fortuna, qui quo modo duobus filiis, Hectore ac Nicanore, orbatus cum eo, quem reliquum calamitas fecerat, absens diceret causam. [28] Itaque Amyntas, regius praetor, inclinatam ad misericordiam contionem rursus aspera in Philotan oratione commovit: proditos eos esse barbaris: neminem ad coniugem suam in patriam et ad parentes suos esse rediturum, velut truncum corpus dempto capite sine spiritu, sine nomine aliena terra ludibrium hostis futuros. [29] Haudquaquam pro spe ipsius Amyntae oratio grata regi fuit, quod coniugum, quod patriae admonitos pignores ad cetera munia exequenda fecisset. [30] Tum Coenus, quamquam Philotae sororem matrimonio secum [p. 186] coniunxerat, tamen acrius quam quisquam in Philotan invectus est parricidam esse regis, patriae, exercitus clamitans saxumque, [31] quod forte ante pedes iacebat, corripuit emissurus in eum, ut plerique crediderunt, tormentis subtrahere cupiens. Sed rex manum eius inhibuit dicendae prius causae debere fieri potestatem reo nec aliter iudicari passurum se adfirmans. [32] Tum dicere iussus Philotas, sive conscientia sceleris sive periculi magnitudine amens et attonitus, non attollere oculus, non hiscere audebat. [33] Lacrimis deinde manantibus, linquente animo in eum, a quo tenebatur, incubuit abstersisque amiculo eius oculis paulatim recipiens spiritum ac vocem dicturus videbatur. [34] Iamque rex intuens eum: ‘Macedones,’ inquit, ‘de te iudicaturi sunt: [35] quaero, an patrio sermone sis apud eos usurus.’ Tum Philotas: ‘Praeter Macedonas,’ inquit, ‘plerique adsunt, quos facilius, quae dicam, pereepturos arbitror, si eadem lingua fuero usus, qua tu egisti, non ob aliud, credo, quam ut oratio tua intellegi posset a pluribus.’ Tum rex: [36] ‘Ecquid videtis adeo etiam sermonis patrii Philotan taedere? Solus quippe fastidit eum discere. Sed dicat sane, utcumque ei cordi est, dum memineritis aeque illum a nostro more quam sermone abhorrere.’

  VIII. Then, having called a council of his friends, to which however Philotas was not invited, he ordered [2] Nicomachus to be brought before it. The youth set forth in order the same information that his brother had given to the king. Craterus was dearer to Alexander than most of his friends, and for that reason less friendly to Philotas, as his rival in importance, he was well aware too that Philotas had often wearied the ears of Alexander by excessive vaunting of his valour and his services, and hence was suspected, not indeed of crime, but of arrogance. Thinking that there would be no more advantageous opportunity of ruining his enemy, disguising his hatred under a pretence of loyalty, he said: — I only wish that at the very beginning of this matter you [5] had deliberated with us! We should have persuaded you if you wished to pardon Philotas, to suffer him to be ignorant how much he was indebted to you, rather than, after he had been brought even to the very fear of death, to think more often of his own danger than of your kindness. For he will always be able to plot against you, you will not always be able to pardon [6] Philotas. There is no reason for you to think that one who has dared so much can be changed by a pardon. He knows that those who have exhausted [7] mercy can no longer hope for it. But even if he himself, either through change of heart or overcome by your kindness, shall wish to remain quiet, I at any rate know that his father Parmenion, the leader of so great an army, and because of his long-continued influence with his soldiers holding a position not much below the height of your greatness, will not with equanimity [8] owe his son’s life to you. There are some favours which we hate. One is ashamed to admit that one has deserved death; therefore, Philotas would prefer to seem to have suffered an injury rather than to have been granted his life. Therefore be sure that you will have to fight with those men for your life. There are enemies enough left, in pursuit of whom we are about to go; guard yourself against domestic foes. If you get rid of these, I fear nothing from without.

  [10] Thus spoke Craterus. And the rest did not doubt that Philotas would not have suppressed the evidence of the conspiracy, unless he had been its ringleader or a participant in it. For who, if a loyal man, and of good intention, not to say a friend, but even one of the lowest condition, on hearing what had been revealed to Philotas, would not at once have hastened [11] to the king? To think that the son of Parmenion, as commander of the cavalry a confidant of all the king’s secrets, was not moved even by the example of Cebalinus, who had announced to him what he had learned from his brother! That he also pretended that the king had no time to talk with him, for fear that the informer might seek another intermediary!

  [12] Nicomachus, even though bound by an oath to the gods, had hastened to unburden his conscience; Philotas, after spending the whole day in amusement and merriment, had found it difficult to find room, in so long and perhaps superfluous a talk, for a few words [13] relating to the life of his king! But, he says, he did not believe mere boys who brought such information. Why then did he prolong the time for two days, as if he had faith in their testimony? Cebalinus ought to have been dismissed, if
Philotas rejected his information. In the time of his own danger everyone ought to have great courage; when fears were felt for the safety of their king, they ought to be credulous and to listen even to those who bring false information.

  [15] All therefore decided that Philotas should be put to the torture, in order that he might be forced to name the participants in the crime. The king dismissed them, after admonishing them to keep silent about his plans. Then he ordered a march to be announced for the following day, lest any indication of the decisions entered on should be given to [16] the guilty parties. Philotas was even invited to a banquet, which was his last, and the king had the heart, not only to dine with him, but even to talk familiarly with the man whom he had condemned.

  [17] Then in the second watch, when the lights had been put out, there came to the king’s tent, with a few others, Hephaestion, Craterus, Coenus, and Erigyius, these from the number of his friends, and from the body-guard Perdiccas and Leonnatus. By these it was ordered that those who were on guard at the king’s [18] tent should remain on watch and under arms. Already cavalry had been stationed at all the entrances, and they had been ordered also to beset the roads, in order that no one might secretly go out to Parmenion, who was then governing Media and was in command [19] of great forces. Atarrhias, moreover, with 300 armed men had entered the royal tent; to him were given besides ten attendants, each followed by ten men-at-arms. These were sent in different directions to arrest the other conspirators. Atarrhias was sent with 300 men to Philotas and set about breaking open the closed entrance to his house, attended by fifty of the bravest of his soldiers; for he had ordered the rest to surround the house on all sides, for fear that Philotas might be able to slip out by a secret [21] door. But he, either through absence of anxiety or worn out by fatigue, had been overcome by sleep: Atarrhias seized him while he was still drowsy.