[22] When at last he was fully awake and chains were put upon him, he said: “O Sire, the bitterness of my enemies has prevailed over your kindness.” And without further words on his part they led him with veiled head into the king’s quarters.
[23] On the following day the king made proclamation that all should assemble under arms. About 6000 soldiers had come, besides these a crowd of camp-servants and batmen had filled the royal quarters.
[24] The men-at-arms covered Philotas with their troop, in order that he might not be seen by the general [25] throng until the king had addressed the soldiers. In accordance with the ancient custom of the Macedonians, the king conducted the inquiry into criminal cases, and the army passed judgement — in time of peace it was a duty of the common people — and the power of the king availed nothing, unless his influence [26] had earlier had weight with them. Accordingly, the corpse of Dymnus was first brought in, the greater number being ignorant what he had attempted or by what chance he had been killed.
Atque ita contione excessit. Tum Philotas: ‘Verba,’ inquit, ‘innocenti reperire facile est, [p. 187] modum verborum misero tenere difficile. [2] Itaque inter optimam conscientiam et iniquissimam fortunam destitutus ignoro, quomodo et animo meo et tempori paream. [3] Abest quidem optimus causae meae iudex: qui cur me ipse audire noluerit, non, mehercule, excogito, cum illi utrimque cognita causa tam damnare me liceat quam absolvere, non cognita vero liberari absenti non possum, qui a praesente damnatus sum. [4] Sed quamquam vincti hominis non supervacua solum, sed etiam invisa defensio est, qui iudicem non docere videtur, sed arguere, tamen, utcumque licet me dicere, memet ipse non deseram nec committam, ut damnatus etiam mea sententia videar. [5] Equidem, cuius criminis reus sim, non video: inter coniuratos nemo me nominat, de me Nicomachus nihil dixit, Cebalinus plus, quam audierat, scire non potuit. [6] Atqui coniurationis caput me fuisse credit rex! Potuit ergo Dymnus eum praeterire, quem sequebatur, praesertim cum quaerenti socios vel falso fuerim nominandus, quo facilius, qui temptabatur, posset inpelli? [7] Non enim detecto facinore nomen meum praeteriit, ut possit videri socio pepercisse: Nicomacho, quem taciturum arcana de semetipso credebat, confessus aliis nominatis me unum subtrahebat. [8] Quaeso, commilitones, si Cebalinus me non adisset, nihil me [p. 188] de coniuratis scire voluisset, num hodie dicerem causam nullo me nominante? [9] Dymnus sane ut vivat adhuc et velit mihi parcere, quid ceteri? Qui de se confitebuntur, me videlicet subtrahent! Maligna est calamitas, [10] et fere noxius, cum suo supplicio crucietur, adquiescit alieno. Tot conscii ne in eculeum quidem inpositi verum fatebuntur? Atqui nemo parcit morituro nec cuiquam moriturus, ut opinor. [11] Ad verum crimen et ad unum revertendum mihi est: cur rem delatam ad te tacuisti? cur tam securus audisti? Hoc, qualecumque est, confesso mihi, ubicumque es, Alexander, remisisti: dexteram tuam amplexus, reconciliati pignus animi, convivio quoque interfui. [12] Si credidisti mihi, absolutus sum, si pepercisti, dimissus: vel iudicium tuum serva. [13] Quid hac proxima nocte, qua digressus sum a mensa tua, feci? quod novum facinus delatum ad te mutavit animum tuum? Gravi sopore adquiescebam, cum me malis indormientem mei inimici vinciendo excitaverunt. Unde et parricidae et prodito tam alti quies somni? Scelerati conscientia obstrepente condormire non possunt: [14] agitant eos Furiae non cogitato modo, nedum consummato parricidio. At mihi securitatem primum innocentia mea, deinde tua dextera ob tul erat: non timui, ne plus alienae crudelitati apud [p. 189] te liceret quam clementiae tuae. [15] Sed ne te mihi credidisse paeniteat, res ad me deferebatur a puero, qui non testem, non pignus indicii exhibere poterat, inpleturus omnes metu, si coepisset audiri. [16] Amatoris et scorti iurgio interponi aures meas credidi infelix et fidem eius suspectam habui, quod non ipse deferret, sed fratrem potius subornaret. [17] Timui, ne negaret mandasse se Cebalino et ego viderer multis amicorum regis fuisse periculi causa. [18] Sic quoque, cum laeserim neminem, inveni, qui mallet perire me quam incolumem esse: quid inimicitiarum creditis excepturum fuisse, [19] si insontes lacessissem? At enim Dymnus se occidit! Num igitur facturum eum divinare potui? Minime. Ita, quod solum indicio fidem fecit, id me, cum a Cebalino interpellate sum, movere non poterat. [20] At heris cules, si conscius Dymno tanti sceleris fuissem, biduo illo, proditos esse nos, dissimulare non debui: [21] Cebalinus ipse tolli de medio nulloque negotio potuit. Denique post delatum indicium, quod operturus eram, cubiculum regis solus intravi, ferro quidem cinctus. Cur distuli facinus? [22] An sine Dymno non sum ausus? Ille igitur princeps coniurationis fuit! sub illius umbra Philotas latebam, qui regnum Macedonum adfecto! Ecquis e vobis corruptus est donis? Quem ducem, quem praefectum inpensius colui? Mihi quidem obicitur, [23] quod societatem patrii sermonis asperner, quod Macedonum mores fastidiam. Sic ego imperio, quod [p. 190] dedignor, immineo! Iam pridem nativus ille sermo commercio aliarum gentium exolevit: tam victorious, quam victis peregrina lingua discenda est. [24] Non, mehercule, ista me magis laedunt, quam quod Amyntas, Perdiccae filius, insidiatus est regi. Cum quo quod amicitia fuerit mihi, non recuso defendere, si fratrem regis non oportuit diligi a nobis. [25] Sin autem in illo fortunae gradu positum etiam venerari necesse erat, utrum, quaeso, quod non divinavi, reus sum, an impiorum amicis insontibus quoque moriendum est? Quod si aequum est, cur tam diu vivo? si iniustum, cur nunc tamen occidor? [26] At enim scripsi misereri me eorum, quibus vivendum esset sub eo, qui se Iovis filium crederet. Fides amicitiae, veri consilii periculosa libertas, [27] vos me decepistis! vos, quae sentiebam, ne reticerem, inpulistis! Scripsisse me haec fateor regi, non de rege scripsisse. Non enim faciebam invidiam, sed pro eo timebam. Dignior mihi Alexander videbatur, qui Iovis stirpem tacitus agnosceret, quam qui praedicatione iactaret. [28] Sed quoniam oraculi fides certa est, sit deus causae meae testis: retinete me in vinculis, dum consulitur Hammo, num arcanum et occultum scelus inierim. Qui regem nostrum dignatus est filium nominare, neminem eorum, qui stirpi suae insidiati sunt, latere patietur. [29] Si certiora oraculis creditis esse tormenta, ne hanc quidem exhibendae veritatis fidem deprecor. [30] Solent rei capitis adhibere vobis parentes. Duos fratres ego nuper amisi, patrem nec ostendere possum nec invocare audeo, cum et ipse tanti criminis reus [p. 191] sit. [31] Parnm est enim tot modo liberum parentem, in unico filio adquiescentem, eo quoque orbari, nisi ipse in rogum meum inponitur. [32] Ergo, carissime pater, et propter me morieris et mecum: ego tibi vitam adimo, ego senectutem tuam extinguo. Quid enim me procreabas infelicem adversantibus diis? an, ut hos ex me fructus perciperes, [33] qui te manent? Nescio, adulescentia mea miserior sit an senectus tua: ego in ipso robore aetatis eripior, tibi carnifex spiritum adimet, quem, si fortuna expectare voluisset, natura poscebat. [34] Admonuit me patris mei mentio, quam timide et cunctanter, quae Cebalinus detulerat ad me, indicare debuerim. Parmenio enim, cum audisset venenum a Philippo medico regi parari, deterrere eum voluit epistula scripta, quo minus medicamentum biberet, quod medicus dare constitueret. Num creditum est patri meo? num ullam auctoritatem eius litterae habuerunt? [35] Ego ipse quotiens, quae audieram, detuli et cum ludibrio credulitatis repulsus sum! Si et, cum indicamus, invisi et, cum tacemus, suspecti sumus, quid facere nos oportet?’ [36] Cumque unus e circumstantium turba exclamasset: ‘Bene meritis non insidiari!’ [37] Philotas: ‘Recte,’ inquit, ‘quisquis es, dicis. Itaque si insidiatus sum, poenam non deprecor et finem facio dicendi, quoniam ultima verba gravia sunt visa auribus.’ Abducitur deinde ab iis, qui custodiebant eum.
IX. After this the king entered the assembly, manifesting his sorrow by his expression. The sadness of his friends also caused [2] no slight expectation of what was to take place. For a long time the king stood with his eyes fixed upon the ground, like one amazed and at a loss. At last, having recovered his spirits, he said:
“Almost, my soldiers, have I been wrested from you by the wickedness of certain men; for it is by the providence and mercy of the gods that I still live. And the sight of your revered assembly has forced me to be more violently angry with the traitors, since the first, nay, the sole enjoyment of my life is to be able still to requite so many valiant men who have the [3] highest claim upon my gratitude.”
His speech was interrupted by the soldiers’ lamentations, and tears sprang to the eyes of all. Then the king continued:
“How much greater emotion shall I rouse in your minds, when I reveal the authors of so great a crime!
From the mention of these I still shrink, and I refrain from calling their names, as if they could be saved.
[4] But I must overcome the memory of my former affection, and the conspiracy of impious citizens must be brought to light. For how can I be silent about such an abomination? Parmenion, old as he is, bound by so many favours of mine, so many of my father’s, the eldest of all our friends, offered himself as the leader [6] in so great a crime. His tool, Philotas, has suborned against my life Peucolaus, and Demetrius, and this Dymnus, whose body you see before you, and the [6] others infected by the same madness.” On all sides cries of indignation and lament broke out in the whole assembly, such as are wont to be uttered by a multitude, and especially one of soldiers, when they [7] are moved by devotion or by anger. Then Nicomachus and Metron and Cebalinus were brought forward, and set forth what each of them had reported. By the testimony of none of these was Philotas designated as a participant in the crime. Therefore after forceful expression of indignation the rest of the speech was heard in silence.
[8] The king continued: “What, then, seems to you to be the spirit of a man who suppressed the information which was brought to him about this matter — information which the death of Dymnus shows not [9] to have been unfounded? Cebalinus, when reporting an uncertain matter did not fear torture, and Metron was so far from putting off even for a single moment the freeing of his mind, that he even forced his way [10] into the place where I was bathing. Philotas alone had no fear, believed nothing. O the great courage of the man! Would such a man be moved by the danger to his king, would he change countenance, would he listen anxiously to the informer of so great [11] a matter? No doubt this silence conceals a purpose, and the eager hope for royal power drove his mind headlong to the worst of abominations. His father governs Media; he himself, because of the great power which through my influence he has with many leaders of our forces, aspires to greater things than [12] are within his capabilities. He scorns even my bereavement, in that I have no children. But Philotas is mistaken. In you I have children, relatives, kinsmen; while you live, I cannot be without off-
[13] spring.” Then he read an intercepted letter which Parmenion had written to his sons Nicanor and Philotas, which did not, it is true, furnish evidence of [14] any serious design. For this was its substance: “First, look out for yourselves, then for yours; for thus we shall accomplish what we have planned.”
[15] And the king added that the letter was written in such terms, in order that, if it should reach his sons, it could be understood by their accomplices, or if it should have been intercepted, it would deceive those who knew nothing of the plot. Then the king continued: [16] “But, it may be said, Dymnus, when he revealed the other participants in the crime, did not name Philotas. This, in fact, is a sign, not of his innocence, but of his authority, because he was so feared even by those by whom he could be betrayed, that when they confessed their own guilt, they nevertheless did not name him. Furthermore, his own life shows the [17] character of Philotas. He it was who, when Amyntas, my own cousin, in Macedonia made an impious plot against my life, joined with him as an ally and an [18] accomplice. He gave his sister in marriage to Attalus, than whom I had no more dangerous enemy. He, when I had written to him, by right of so close a familiarity and friendship, the nature of the reply which had been given by the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, had the impudence to reply that he for his part congratulated me that I had been received into the number of the gods, but that he pitied those who would have to live under one who rose above the limitations of a man. These are tokens of a mind which is both long since alienated from me and is also envious of my glory. These things, soldiers, so long as it was possible, I buried in my own thoughts. For it seemed to me that I was tearing away a part of my own flesh, if I should make those upon whom I had conferred such great favours more worthless in my [20] sight. But it is no longer mere words that must be punished; rashness of language has passed on to swords. These, if you believe me, Philotas has whetted against me, if you believe him, he has allowed it.
“Whither shall I turn, soldiers? to whom shall I [21] trust my life? I have put him in command of the cavalry, the best part of my army, the elite of our noblest young men, I have entrusted to his loyalty and protection my life, my hope, my victory. His father I have raised to the same high rank as that in which you have placed me. I have put under his command and sway Media, than which no region is richer, and so many thousands of citizens and allies. Where I had looked for protection danger has arisen. How happily would I have fallen in battle, the prey of an enemy rather than the victim of a fellow-citizen! Now, saved from the only dangers which I feared, I have met with those which I ought not [24] to have feared. You are wont, soldiers, ever and anon to ask me to be careful of my life. You yourselves can furnish me with the means of doing what you advise. To your hands, to your weapons I flee for refuge; I do not wish to be safe, if you do not wish it, if you do wish it, I cannot be unless I am avenged.”
[25] Then he ordered Philotas to be brought in with his hands bound behind his back and his head veiled in a worn-out cloak. It was readily apparent that men were touched by the wretched plight of one who shortly before had been looked upon with envy.
[26] The day before they had seen him the commander of the cavalry, they knew that he had been present at a banquet with the king; suddenly they beheld him on trial, it is true, but already condemned, nay, [27] even in bonds. There entered their minds also the ill-fortune of Parmenion, so great a general, so distinguished a citizen, who, recently bereft of two sons, Hector and Nicanor, would, though absent, make his plea along with the only son whom [28] calamity had left him. Accordingly Amyntas, one of the king’s generals, again aroused the assembly, which was inclined towards pity, by a harsh speech against Philotas, saying that they had been betrayed to the barbarians, that no one would return to his wife, to his native land, to his parents, but that like a body bereft of its head, without life, without name, in a foreign land they would be the sport of their [29] enemies. The speech of Amyntas was by no means so pleasing to the king as the author of it had hoped, since by having reminded them of their wives and of their native land he had made them less alert for performing the tasks which remained.
Then Coenus, although he had joined Philotas sister to himself in marriage, inveighed against him more savagely than anyone else, shouting that he [31] was a traitor to king, to country, to the army, and catching up a stone which chanced to be lying at his feet, he was on the point of hurling it at him, as many thought because he desired to save him from torture. But the king stayed his hand, declaring that the accused ought to be given the opportunity of first pleading his cause, and that otherwise he would not allow him to be judged. Then Philotas, when ordered to speak, either through consciousness of guilt or beside himself and thunderstruck by the greatness of his peril, did not venture to lift his eyes [33] or to open his mouth. Then, with a flood of tears, he swooned and fell into the arms of the man who was holding him; and when his eyes had been dried with the cloak which he was wearing, he gradually recovered his breath and his voice and seemed about to [34] speak. And now the king, looking intently at him, said: “The Macedonians are about to pass judgement upon you; I wish to know whether you will use their native tongue in addressing them.” [35] Thereupon Philotas replied: “Besides the Macedonians there are many present who, I think, will more easily understand what I shall say if I use the same language which you have employed, for no other reason, I suppose, than in order that your speech might be [36] understood by the greater number.” Then said the king: “Do you not see how Philotas loathes even the language of his fatherland? For he alone disdains to learn it. But let him by all means speak in whatever way he desires, provided that you remember that he holds our cu
stoms in as much abhorrence as our language.” And with these words he left the assembly.
Then Philotas said: “It is easy for an innocent man to find words, it is difficult for a wretched man to [2] keep his words within bounds. Therefore, abandoned between the best of consciences and the most unfavourable of fortunes, I do not know how to suit what I shall say both to my feelings and to the situation. In fact, the best judge of my cause is not present; why he should not wish to hear me himself, I cannot, by Heaven! imagine, since after having heard both sides of the case, he can as readily condemn me as acquit me, but if he has not heard both sides, I cannot be acquitted in his absence since I [4] was condemned by him when he was present. But although the defence of a man in fetters is not only superfluous but also odious, since he seems not to inform the judge but to accuse him, nevertheless, in whatever manner I am allowed to speak, I shall not myself fail, nor let myself seem to have been condemned [6] by my own voice as well. For my part, I do not see with what crime I am charged; no one among the conspirators names me, Nicomachus said nothing about me, Cebalinus could not know more than he [6] had heard. And yet the king believes me to have been the head of the conspiracy! Could Dymnus then fail to mention the one whose follower he was, especially when I ought to have been named, even falsely, to Nicomachus, who asked who were his associates, in order that the man who was being [7] tempted might be more easily persuaded? For when the crime was disclosed, he did not leave out my name in order that he might seem to have spared an associate; for when he confessed to Nicomachus, who he believed would keep in silence the secrets about himself, having named others, me alone he left out. Pray, fellow-soldiers, if Cebalinus had not come to me, if he had wished me to know nothing about the conspirators, would I to-day be pleading my cause, when [9] no one named me? Suppose that Dymnus were still alive and wished to spare me, what of the rest? Those who will confess their own guilt will of course be silent about me! Calamity is malign, and as a rule a guilty person, when suffering his own torture, [10] assents to that of another. Will so many accomplices not confess the truth even when placed upon the rack? And yet no one spares one who is about to die, and in my opinion one who is about to die spares no one.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 104