[11] “I must return to the real and only accusation against me: ‘Why did you keep silence about the matter which was reported to you? why did you hear it with so little concern?’ This, such as it is, you, Alexander, wherever you are, pardoned when I confessed it; grasping your right hand, as a pledge of restored friendship, I even was present at your [12] banquet. If you believed me, I was acquitted, if you spared me, I was dismissed; pray abide by your decision. What have I done during this last night, when I left your table? what new crime has been reported [13] to you and changed your mind? I was resting in heavy sleep, when, as I had fallen asleep over my misfortunes, my enemies awakened me by binding me. Whence did such deep sleep come to a traitor and [14] one who had been betrayed? The wicked cannot sleep soundly because of the clamours of conscience; the Furies torment them when their treason is merely planned, much more when it has been accomplished. But to me, first my blamelessness, then your right hand, had brought freedom from care; I had no fear that more would be allowed on your part [15] to the cruelty of others than to your clemency. But to prevent you from regretting your belief in me, let me say that the matter was reported to me by a mere boy, who could show me no witness nor proof of his information, and who would fill all with fear if he should begin to be heard. Unhappily I believed that my ears had [16] been exposed to a quarrel of a wanton and his boy, and besides I suspected his truthfulness because he did not himself bring the report, but employed his [17] brother instead. I feared lest he should deny having given instructions to Cebalinus, and I should seem to have been the cause of danger to many of the king’s [18] friends. Even as it is, although I have injured no one, I have found one who preferred that I should perish rather than be unharmed; what enmities do you think I should have incurred, if I had attacked blameless [19] persons? But, you will say, Dymnus killed himself! Could I have divined that he would do so? Certainly not. Hence the only thing which has given assurance to this information could not influence me when I was [20] accosted by Cebalinus. But, by Heaven, if I had been an accomplice with Dymnus in so great a crime, I ought not to have concealed for those two days my knowledge that we had been betrayed; Cebalinus himself could have been put out of the [21] way, and with no trouble. Finally, after the information which I was going to conceal had been made known, I entered the king’s bedroom alone, and wearing a sword. Why did I put off the deed? Was [22] it that I did not dare to do it without Dymnus? He then was the leader of the conspiracy and I, Philotas, who aspire to the throne of Macedonia was lurking-under his shadow! Has anyone of you been bribed by gifts? To what general, to what prefect did I show too marked attention?
[23] “It is even charged against me that I scorn association with my native language, that I disdain the customs of the Macedonians. So then I aspire to the rule of something which I hold in contempt. It is long ago that that native tongue has gone out of use through intercourse with other nations; a foreign language has to be learned as well by the victors as by the vanquished. Those charges, by Heaven! are no more injurious to me than it is that Amyntas, son of Perdiccas, plotted against the king. The charge that I was on friendly terms with him I do not refuse to meet, provided it was our duty not to love the king’s [25] brother.” But if it was necessary even to venerate one in that lofty position, am I, pray, guilty because I did not have the power of divination, or must the innocent friends of guilty men also die? But if that is just, why have I lived so long? if unjust, why am [26] I nevertheless to die now? But, it may be said, I also wrote that I pitied those who had to live under a man who believed himself the son of Jupiter. O loyalty to friendship, O dangerous freedom in giving true counsel, it is you that played me false! It was you that impelled me not to keep silent about [27] what I thought. I confess that I wrote this to the king, but not about the king. For I did not seek to rouse ill-will against him, but I feared for him. It seemed to me more worthy of Alexander to recognize in silence the parentage of Jupiter, than [28] to boast of it publicly. But since the truth of the oracle is sure, let the god bear witness in my case; keep me in fetters while Hammon is asked whether I planned a secret and hidden crime. He who has recognized our king as son will not suffer those who have plotted against his stock to be concealed.
[29] If you believe tortures to be more trustworthy than oracles, I do not refuse even that testimony for bringing the truth to light.
[30] “Those who are charged with a capital offence are accustomed to bring their relatives before you. I have recently lost two brothers, my father I cannot bring before you, nor do I dare to appeal to him, since [31] he himself is accused of this great crime. For it is not enough that he who was lately the father of so many sons, and now takes comfort in but one, should be bereft of him too, unless he himself is placed upon [32] my funeral pyre. Therefore, dearest father, you will die both because of me and with me; it is I who am taking your life from you, I who am extinguishing you in your old age. Why, pray, did you beget unhappy me under adverse gods? Was it that you might reap [33] from me these fruits which await you? I know not whether my youth or your old age is the more wretched. I am taken off in the very flower of my strength, from you the executioner will take the life which, if Fortune had been willing to wait, Nature was demanding. The mention of my father has reminded me how timidly and hesitatingly I ought to have revealed what Cebalinus had reported to me. For Parmenion, when he had heard that poison was being prepared for the king by his physician Philip, wrote him a letter and tried to prevent him from drinking the potion which the physician had decided [35] to give him. Was my father believed? His letter had no weight, had it? As for myself, how often have I reported what I had heard and been repulsed with mockery of my credulity! If we are both disliked when we report anything, and suspected when [36] we keep silence, what are we to do?” And when one of the throng of bystanders had exclaimed “not plot against your benefactors!”, Philotas replied: [37] “You speak rightly, whoever you are. Hence, if I have so plotted, I do not beg for immunity from punishment, and I make an end of speaking, since my last words have seemed to displease your ears.” Philotas was then led away by the men who were guarding him.
Erat inter duces manu strenuus Bolon quidam, pacis artium et civilis habitus rudis, vetus miles, ab [p. 192] humili ordine ad eum gradum, in quo tunc erat, promotus: [2] qui tacentibus ceteris stolida audacia ferox admonere eos coepit, quotiens suis quisque deversoriis, quae occupassent, proturbatus esset, ut purgamenta servorum Philotae reciperentur eo, [3] unde commilitones expulissent. Auro argentoque vehicula eius onusta totis vicis stetisse, ac ne in viciniam quidem deversorii quemquam commilitonum receptum esse, sed per dispositos, quos supra somnum habebat, omnis procul relegatos, [4] ne femina illa murmurantium inter se silentio verius quam sono excitaretur. Ludibrio ei fuisse rusticos homines Phrygasque et Paphlagonas appellatos, qui non erubesceret, Macedo natus, homines linguae suae per interpretem audire. [5] Nunc eum Hammonem consuli velle: at eundem Iovis arguisse mendacium Alexandrum filium agnoscentis, scilicet veritum, ne invidiosum esset, quod dii offerrent. [6] Cum insidiaretur capiti regis et amici, non consuluisse eum Iovem: nunc ad oraculum mittere, dum pater eius sollicitet, quibus praesit in Media, et pecunia, cuius custodia commissa sit, perditos homines ad societatem sceleris impellat. [7] Ipsos missuros ad oraculum, non qui Iovem interrogent, quod ex rege cognoverint, sed qui gratias agant, [p. 193] qui vota pro incolumitate regis optimi persolvant. [8] Tum vero universa contio accensa est, et a corporis custodibus initium factum clamantibus, discerpendum esse parricidam manibus eorum. Id quidem Philotas, qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo animo audiebat: [9] at rex in contionem reversus, sive ut in custodia quoque torqueret, sive ut diligentius cuncta cognosceret, concilium in posterum diem distulit et, quamquam in vesperam inclinabat dies, tamen amicos convocari iubet. [10] Et ceteris quidem placebat, Macedonum more obrui saxis, Hephaestio autem et Craterus et Coenos tormentis veritatem exprimendam esse dixerunt: et illi quoque, qui aliud suaserant, in horum sententiam transeunt. [11] Consilio ergo dimisso
Hephaestion cum Cratero et Coeno ad quaestionem de Philota habendam consurgunt. [12] Rex Cratero accersito et sermone habito, cuius summa non edita est, in intimam deversorii partem secessit et remotis arbitris in multam noctem quaestionis expectavit eventum. [13] Tortores in conspectum Philotae omnia crudelitatis instrumenta proponunt. [14] Et ille ultro: ‘Quid cessatis,’ inquit, ‘regis inimicum, interfectorem confitentem occidere? Quid quaestione opus est? cogitavi, volui.’ Craterus exigere, ut, quae confiteretur, in tormentis quoque diceret. [15] Tum corripitur et, dum obligantur oculi, dum vestis exuitur, deos patrios, gentium iura nequiquam apud [p. 194] surdas aures invocabat. Per ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote et damnatus et inimicis in gratiam regis torquentibus, [16] laceratur. Ac primo, quamquam hinc ignis, illinc verbera iam non ad quaestionem, sed ad poenam ingerebantur, [17] non vocem modo, sed etiam gemitus habuit in potestate: sed postquam intumescens corpus ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos ferre non poterat, si tormentis adhibituri modum essent, [18] dicturum se, quae scire expeterent, pollicetur. Sed finem quaestioni fore, iurare eos per Alexandri salutem volebat removerique tortores. [19] Et utroque inpetrato: ‘Cratere,’ inquit, ‘dic, quid me velis dicere.’ Illo indignante ludificari eum rursusque revocante tortores tempus petere coepit, dum reciperet spiritum, cuncta, [20] quae sciret, indicaturus. Interim equites, nobilissimus quisque et ii maxime, qui Parmenionem propinqua cognatione contingebant, postquam Philotan torqueri fama vulgaverat, legem Macedonum veriti, qua cautum erat, ut propinquieorum, qui regi insidiati essent, cum ipsis necarentur, alii se interficiunt, alii in devios montes vastasque solitudines fugiuntingenti per tota castra terrore diffuso, donec rex tumultu cognito legem se de supplicio coniunctorum sontibus remittere edixit. [21] Philotas verone an mendacio liberare se a cruciatu voluerit, [22] anceps coniectura est, quoniam et vera confessis et falsa dicentibus idem doloris finis ostenditur. Ceterum: [p. 195] ‘Pater,’ inquit, ‘meus Hegelocho quam familiariter usus sit, non ignoratis: illum dico Hegelochum, qui in acie cecidit: [23] omnium malorum nobis is fuit causa. Nam cum primum Iovis filium se salutari iussit rex, id indigne ferens ille: ‘Hunc igitur regem agnoscimus,’ inquit, ‘qui Philippum dedignatur patrem? Actum est de nobis, si ista perpeti possumus. [24] Non homines solum, sed etiam deos despicit, qui postulat deus credi. Amisimus Alexandrum, amisimus regem : incidimus in superbiam nec dis, quibus se exaequat, nec hominibus, quibus se eximit, tolerabilem. [25] Nostrone sanguine deum fecimus, qui nos fastidiat? qui gravetur mortalium adire concilium? Credite mihi, et nos, si viri sumus, a dis adoptabimur. [26] Quis proavum huius Alexandrum, quis deinde Archelaum, quis Perdiccan occisos ultus est? [27] Hic quidem interfectoribus patris ignovit.’ Haec Hegelochus dixit super cenam: et postero die prima luce a patre accersor. Tristis erat et me maestum videbat: audieramus enim, quae sollicitudinem incuterent. [28] Itaque, ut experiremur, utrumne vino gravatus effudisset illa an altiore concepta consilio, accersi eum placuit. Advenit ille eodemque sermone ultro repetito adiecit, se, sive auderemus duces esse, proximas a nobis partes vindicaturum, sive deesset animus, consilium lentio esse tecturum. [29] Parmenioni vivo adhuc Dareo [p. 196] intempestiva res videbatur: non enim sibi, sed hosti esse occisuros Alexandrum, Dareo vero sublato praemium regis occisi Asiam et totum Orientem interfectoribus esse cessura. Adprobatoque consilio in haec fides et data est et accepta. [30] Quod ad Dymnum pertinet, nihil scio et haec confessus intellego non prodesse mihi, [31] quod praesentis sceleris expers sum.’ Illi rursus tormentis admotis, cum ipsis quoque hastis os oculosque eius everberarent, expressere, ut hoc quoque crimen confiteretur. [32] Exigentibus deinde, ut ordinem cogitati sceleris exponeret, cum diu Bactra retentura regem viderentur, timuisse respondit, ne pater LXX natus annos, tanti exercitus dux tantus, tantae pecuniae custos, interim extingueretur, ipsique spoliato tantis viribus occidendi regis causa non esset. [33] Festinasse ergo se, dum praemium in manibus haberet, repraesentare consilium: cui patrem afuisse nisi crederent, tormenta, quamquam iam tolerare non posset, tamen non recusare. [34] Illi conlocuti satis quaesitum videri ad regem revertuntur, qui postero die et, quae confessus erat Philotas, recitari et ipsum, quia ingredi non poterat, [35] iussit adferri. Omnia agnoscente eo Demetrius, qui proximi sceleris particeps esse arguebatur, producitur. Multa adfirmatione animique pariter et constantia et vultus abnuens, [36] quicquam sibi in regem cogitatum esse, tormenta etiam deposcebat in semetipsum : cum [p. 197] Philotas circumlatis oculis, ut incidere in Calan quendam haud procul stantem, propius eum iussit accedere. Illo perturbato et recusante transire ad eum: ‘Patieris,’ inquit, ‘Demetrium mentiri rursusque me excruciari?’ Calan vox sanguisque defecerant, [37] et Macedones Philotan inquinare innoxios velle suspicabantur, quia nеc a Nicomacho nec ab ipso Philota, cum torqueretur, nominatus esset adulescens: qui ut praefectos regis circumstantes se vidit, Demetrium et semetipsum id facinus cogitasse confessus est. [38] Omnes ergo a Nicomacho nominati more patrio dato signo saxis obruti sunt. [39] Magno non salutis, sed etiam mvidiae periculo liberatus erat Alexander: quippe Parmenio et Philotas, principes amicorum, nisi palam sontes sine indignatione totius exercitus non potuissent damnari. [40] Itaque dum anceps quaestio fuit, dum infitiatus est facinus, crudeliter torqueri videbatur: post confessionem etiam Philotae amicorum misericordia vana erat.
XI. There was among the generals one Bolon, valiant in deeds of arms, but unacquainted with the arts of peace and with civil manners, an old soldier, who had risen from a humble rank to the position [2] which he then held; he, when the rest were silent, rudely and with coarse audacity began to remind them how often they had been put out of the quarters which they had occupied in order that the offscourings of Philotas’ slaves might be received in the places from which they had driven out his [3] fellowsoldiers. That his wagons laden with gold and silver had stood in whole sections of the city, and that not one of his fellow-soldiers was admitted even to the neighbourhood of his lodging, but they were all removed to a distance by those whom he had placed in their positions to watch over his sleep, lest that she-man might be disturbed by what is more truly described as the silence than the sound of those who [4] whispered together. That the rustic men had always been objects of his mockery, and were called Phrygians and Paphlagonians by one who, though born a Macedonian, did not blush that men of his own language heard his words through an interpreter.
[5] Now he wished Hammon to be consulted; but that same man accused Jupiter of lying when he acknowledged Alexander as his son, fearing, forsooth, lest what the gods offered should be an object of envy!
[6] When he was plotting against the life of his king and his friend, he did not consult Jupiter; now he would send to the oracle, in order that in the meantime his father may arouse those whom he governs in Media, and with the money entrusted to his charge may [7] induce abandoned men to share in his crime. They themselves would send to the oracle, not to ask Jupiter what they had learned from the king, but to thank him, and pay the vows which they had made for the safety of the best of kings.
[8] Then truly the whole assembly was inflamed, and a beginning was made by the body-guards, who shouted that the traitor ought to be torn to pieces by their own hands. This indeed Philotas, who feared severer tortures, heard by no means reluctantly; [9] but the king, having returned to the assembly, either that he might also “torture him in prison, or that he might investigate the whole matter more carefully, adjourned the council to the following day, and although the time was approaching evening, he nevertheless ordered his friends to be called together.
[10] And the rest for their part recommended that Philotas be stoned to death, according to the ancient custom of the Macedonians, but Hephaestion and Craterus and Coenus said that the truth ought to be forced from him by torments; and those also who had recommended the other course went over to their [11] opinion. Therefore the council was dismissed, and Hephaestion with Craterus and Coenus arose to put [12] Philotas to the question. The king, having summoned Craterus and had a talk with him, the subject of which has not been made public, withdrew into the inner part of h
is quarters, and dismissing all witnesses awaited until late at night the result of the inquisition.
[13] The torturers laid out all their instruments of [14] cruelty before the eyes of Philotas. And he, of his own accord, said: “Why do you delay to kill the king’s enemy, the murderer who confesses that he wished to kill him? What is the need of an inquisition? I planned it, I wished it.” Craterus demanded that what he confessed he should also say under torture.
[15] Then he was seized, and while his eyes were being bound, while his clothing was being taken off, he called upon his country’s gods and on the law of nations, but vainly to deaf ears. Then he was torn by the utmost torments, inasmuch as he had been condemned and his personal enemies were torturing [16] him to gratify the king. And at first, although now fire, and now the lash was used upon him, no longer for the purpose of seeking the truth, but as a punishment, he kept not only words but even groans under [17] control; but when his body, swollen with wounds, could no longer endure the blows of the scourges upon his bare bones, he promised that if they would moderate his tortures, he would tell them what they [18] wished to know. But he wished them to swear by Alexander’s life that there would be an end to the torments, and the torturers removed. And when both things were granted, he said: “Tell me, Craterus, what you wish me to say.” And when Craterus was indignant that Philotas was mocking him, and was calling the torturers back again, Philotas began to ask for time until he could recover his breath, after which he would tell everything which he knew.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 105