[20] Meanwhile the cavalry, all those of the noblest birth and especially such as were nearly related to Parmenion, after the report had spread abroad that Philotas was being tortured, fearing the law of the Macedonians by which it was provided that the relatives of those who had plotted against the king should be put to death with the guilty parties, some killed themselves, others fled to out-of-the-way mountains and to lonely desert places, while great terror spread through the entire camp, until the king, learning of the tumult, made proclamation that he remitted the law providing for the punishment of those related to the guilty parties.
[21] Whether Philotas wished to free himself from further torture by telling the truth or by a falsehood, it is difficult to divine, since the same end to suffering is offered to those who have confessed the truth and [22] to those who say what is false. At any rate, Philotas said: “How intimate my father was with Hegelochus you know well; I mean the Hegelochus who fell in battle; he was the cause of all our misfortunes.
[23] For as soon as the king gave orders that he should be saluted as the son of Jupiter, Hegelochus, indignant at that, said: ‘Are we then to recognize this king, who disdains Philip as his father? It is all over with [24] us if we can endure that. He scorns, not only men, but even the gods, who demands to be believed a god. We have lost Alexander, we have lost our king; we have fallen under a tyranny endurable neither to the gods, to whom he makes himself equal, nor to men, [26] from whom he separates himself. Have we at the price of our blood created a god who disdains us, who is reluctant to enter into council with mortals? Believe me, we too, if we are men, shall be adopted by [26] the gods. Who avenged the death of Alexander, the ancestor of this one, who afterwards that of Archelaus, who of Perdiccas? He himself pardoned the murderers of his father.
[27] “These were the words of Hegelochus at dinner; and on the dawn of the following day I was summoned by my father. He was troubled and saw that I was sad; for we had heard what struck anxiety [28] into our hearts. Therefore, in order to learn whether Hegelochus had blurted out those words when heavy with wine, or whether they were inspired by some deeper design, we decided to have him summoned. He came, and after repeating the same sentiments of his own accord, he added that if we dared to take the lead, he would claim from us the honour of seconding our plan, or if we lacked the courage, he would bury [29] the plan in silence. To Parmenion the plan seemed premature while Darius still lived: for they would be killing Alexander, not for themselves, but for the enemy; but if Darius were out of the way, as a reward for killing the king Asia and the entire Orient would fall to his slayers. This advice was approved, and a pledge to that end was given and received.
[30] So far as Dymnus is concerned, I know nothing, but I know that after this confession it does not avail me that I have no part in the present crime.”
[31] They again applied tortures, and striking at his face and eyes with their own spears as well, they forced him to plead guilty to that crime also.
[32] Then, when they required him to set forth the order of the proposed deed, he replied that since it seemed that Bactra would detain the king for a long time, they feared that his father,” being seventy years old, the leader of so great an army and custodian of so great a treasure, might meanwhile die, and that he himself, robbed of so great strength, would have [33] no reason for killing the king. That therefore he had hastened to carry out promptly the design while he had the prize in his hands; unless they believed that his father had no part in the present design, although he could no longer endure tortures, yet he did not [34] refuse them. They, after talking together, thinking that sufficient question had been made, returned to the king, who gave orders that on the following day what Philotas had confessed should be read, and that he himself should be carried in, since he could not walk.
[35] When he had acknowledged everything, Demetrius, who was accused of sharing in the latest conspiracy, was led in. He stoutly denied, with equal assurance of mind and of countenance, that he had formed any design against the king, and even demanded that he [36] himself should be put to the question; when Philotas, turning his eyes on all sides, as they fell upon a certain Calas, standing near by, bade him approach nearer. When he was troubled and refused to cross over to him, Philotas said: “Will you allow Demetrius [37] to lie, and me to be tortured again?” Calas turned pale and lost the power of speech, and the Macedonians suspected that Philotas wished to besmirch the innocent with guilt, since the youth had not been named by Nicomachus nor by Philotas when he was being tortured; but when he saw himself surrounded by the king’s prefects, he confessed that Demetrius [38] and he himself had planned that crime. Therefore all who had been named by Nicomachus were stoned to death on a given signal, after the usage of their country.
[39] Alexander had been freed from great danger, not indeed of death, but of hatred; for Parmenion and Philotas, the chief men among his friends, unless clearly shown to be guilty, could not have been condemned without exciting the indignation of the [40] whole army. Thus the issue of the case was doubtful as long as he denied the crime; that his torture was continued after the confession was considered an act of cruelty; and now Philotas merited the compassion of his friends.
BOOK VII.
Philotan sicut recentibus sceleris eius vestigiis iure adfectum supplicio censuerant milites, ita, postquam desierat esse, quem odissent, invidia in misericordiam vertit. [2] Moverat et claritas iuvenis et patris eius senectus atque orbitas. [3] Primus Asiam aperuerat regi, omnium periculorum eius particeps semper alterum in acie cornu defenderat, Philippo quoque ante omnes amicus et ipsi Alexandrotam fidus, ut occidendi Attalum non alio ministro uti mallet. [4] Horum cogitatio subibat exercitum, seditiosaeque voces referebantur ad regem. Quis ille haud sane motus satisque prudens, otii vitia negotio discuti, edicit, ut omnes in vestibulo regiae praesto sint. [5] Quos ubi frequentes adesse cognovit, in contionem processit. Haud dubie ex [p. 199] conposito Atarrhias postulare coepit, ut Lyncestes Alexander, qui multo ante quam Philotas regem voluisset occidere, exhiberetur. [6] A duobus indicibus, sicut supra diximus, delatus tertium iam annum custodiebatur in vinculis. Eundem in Philippi quoque caedem coniurasse cum Pausania pro conperto fuit, sed quia primus Alexandrum regem salutaverat, supplicio magis quam crimini fuerat exemptus: [7] tum quoque Antipatri soceri eius preces iustam regis iram morabantur. Ceterum recruduit suppuratus dolor: quippe veteris periculi memoriam praesentis cura renovabat. [8] Igitur Alexander ex custodia educitur iussusque dicere, quamquam toto triennio meditatus erat defensionem, tamen haesitans et trepidus pauca ex his, quae conposuerat, protulit, ad ultimum non memoria solum, sed etiam mens eum destituit. [9] Nulli erat dubium, quin trepidatio conscientiae indicium esset, non memoriae vitium. Itaque ex iis, qui proximi adstiterant, obluctantem adhuc oblivioni lanceis confoderunt. [10] Cuius corpore ablato rex introduci iussit Amyntam et Simian: nam Polemon, minimus ex fratribus, cum Philotan torqueri conperisset, profugerat. [11] Omnium Philotae amicorum hi carissimi fuerant, ad magna et honorata ministeria illius maxime suffragatione producti, memineratque rex, summo studio ab eo [p. 200] conciliatos sibi, nec dubitabat huius quoque ultimi consilii fuisse participes. [12] Igitur queritur olim sibi esse suspectas matris suae litteris, quibus esset admonitus, ut ab his salutem suam tueretur: ceterum se invitum deteriora credentem nunc manifestis indiciis victum iussisse vinciri. [13] Nam pridie, quam detegeretur Philotae scelus, quin in secreto cum eo fuissent, non posse dubitari. Fratrem vero, qui profugerit, cum de Philota quaereretur, aperuisse fugae causam. [14] Nuper praeter consuetudinem officii specie amotis longius ceteris admovisse semctipsos lateri suo nulla probabili causa, seque mirantem, quod non vice sua tali fungerentur officio, et ipsa trepidatione eorum perterritum strenue ad armigeros, qui proxime sequebantur, recessisse. [15] Ad haec accedere, quod, cum Antiphanes, scriba equitum, Amyntac denuntiasset, pridie quam Philotae scelus deprehensum esset, ut ex suis equis more solito daret iis, qui amisissent equos, superbe respondisset, nisi incepto desisteret, brevi sciturum, quis ipse esset. [16]
Iam linguae violentiam temeritatemque verborum, quae in semetipsum iacularentur, nihil aliud esse quam scelesti animi indicem ac testem. Quae si vera essent, idem meruisse eos, quod Philotan, si falsa, exigere ipsum, [17] ut refellant. Productus deinde Antiphanes de equis [p. 201] non traditis et adiectis etiam superbe minis indicat. [18] Tum Amyntas facta dicendi potestate : ‘Si nihil,’ inquit, ‘interest regis, peto, ut, dum dico, vinculis liberer.’ Rex solvi utrumque iubet desiderantique Amyntae, ut habitus quoque redderetur armigeri, lanceam dari iussit. [19] Quam ut laeva conprehendit, evitato eo loco, in quo Alexandri corpus paulo ante iacuerat: ‘Qualiscumque,’ inquit, ‘exitus nos manet, rex, confitemur prosperum tibi debituros, tristiorem fortunae inputaturos. [20] putaturos. Sine praeiudicio dicimus causam liberis corporibus animisque: habitum etiam, in quote comitari solemus, reddidisti. Causam non possum us, fortunam timere desinemus. [21] Et, quaeso, permittas mihi id primum defendere, quod a te ultimum obiectum est. Nos, rex, sermonis adversus maiestatem tuam habiti nullius conscii sumus nobis. Dicerem iam pridem vicisse te invidiam, nisi periculum esset, ne alia malignius dicta crederes blanda oratione purgari. [22] Ceterum etiam si militis tui vel in agmine deficientis et fatigati vel in acie periclitantis vel in tabernaculo aegri et vulnera curantis aliqua vox asperior esset accepta, merueramus fortibus factis, ut malles ea tempori nostro inputare quam animo. [23] Cum quid accidit tristius, omnes rei sumus: corporibus nostris, quae utique non odimus, infestas admovemus manus: parentes, liberi si occurrant, et ingrati et invisi sunt. Contra cum donis honoramur, cum praemiis onusti revertimur, [p. 202] quis ferre nos potest? [24] quis illam animorum alacritatem continere? Militantium nec indignatio nec laetitia moderata est: ad omnes adfectus impetu rapimur. Vituperamus laudamus, miseremur irascimur, utcumque praesens movit adfectio: modo Indiam adire et Oceanum libet, modo coniugum et liberorum patriaeque memoria occurrit. [25] Sed has cogitationes, has inter se conloquentium voces signum tuba datum finit: in suos quisque ordines currimus, et, quidquid irarum in tabernaculo conceptum est, in hostium effunditur capita. [26] Utinam Philotas quoque intra verba peccasset! Proinde ad id revertar, propter quod rei sumus. Amicitiam, quae nobis cum Philota fuit, adeo non eo infitias, ut expetisse quoque nos magnosque ex ea fructus percepisse confitear. [27] An vero Parmenionis, quem tibi proximum esse voluisti, filium omnes paene amicos tuos dignatione vincentem cultum a nobis esse miraris? [28] Tu, hercules, si verum audire vis, rex, huius nobis periculi es causa. Quis enim alius effecit, ut ad Philotan decurrerent, qui placere vellent tibi? Ab illo traditi ad hunc gradum amicitiae tuae ascendimus: is apud te fuit, cuius et gratiam expetere et iram timere possemus. [29] Si non propemodum in tua verba, at tui omnes te praeeunte iuravimus, eosdem nos inimicos amicosque habituros esse, quos tu habe- [p. 203] res. Hoc sacramento pietatis obstricti aversaremur scilicet, [30] quem tu omnibus praeferebas ! Igitur, si hoc crimen est, paucos innocentes habes, immo, hercules, neminem. Omnes enim Philotae amici esse voluerunt, sed totidem, quot volebant esse, non poterant. Ita, si a consciis amicos non dividis, ne ab amicis quidem separabis illos, qui idem esse voluerunt. [31] Quod igitur conscientiae adfertur indicium? Ut opinor, quia pridie familiariter et sine arbitris locutus est nobiscum. At ego purgare non possem, si pridie quicquam ex vetere vita ac more mutassem. Nunc vero, si, ut omnibus diebus, illo quoque, qui suspectus est, fecimus, consuetudo diluet crimen. [32] Sed equos Antiphani non dedimus, et pridie, quam Philotas detectus est. Hie mihi cum Antiphane res erit. Qui si nos suspectus facere vult, quod illo die equos non dederimus, semetipsum, quod eos desideraverit, purgare non poterit. [33] Anceps enim crimen est inter retinentem et exigentem, nisi quod melior est causa suum non tradentis quam poscentis alienum. [34] Ceterum, rex, equos decem habui: e quibus Antiphanes octo iam distribuerat iis, qui amiserant suos, omnino duos ipse habebam: quos cum vellet abducere homo superbissimus, certe iniquissimus, nisi pedes militare vellem, retinere cogebar. [35] Nec infitias eo, liberi hominis animo locu- [p. 204] tum esse me cum ignavissimo et hoc unum militiae ius usurpante, ut alienos equos pugnaturis distribuat. Huc enim malorum ventum est, ut verba mea eodem tempore et Alexandro excusem et Antiphani! [36] At, hercule, mater de nobis inimicis tuis scripsit. Utinam prudentius esset sollicita pro filio et non inanes quoque species anxio animo figuraret! Quare enim non ascribit metus sui causam? denique non ostendit auctorem? Quo facto dictove nostro mota tam trepidas tibi litteras scripsit? O miseram condicionem meam, [37] quia forsitan non periculosius est tacere quam dicere! Sed utcumque cessura res est, malo tibi defensionem meam displicere quam causam. Agnosces autem, quae dicturus sum: quippe meministi, cum me ad perducendos ex Macedonia milites mitteres, dixisse te, multos integros iuvenes in domo tuae matris abscondi. [38] Praecepisti igitur mihi, ne quem praeter te intuerer, sed detrectantes militiam perducerem ad te. Quod equidem feci et liberius, quam expediebat mihi, executus sum tuum imperium. [39] Gorgiam et Hecataeum et Gorgidan, quorum bona opera uteris, inde perduxi. Quid igitur iniquius est quam me, qui, si tibi non paruissem, iure daturus fui poenas, nunc perire, quia parui? Neque enim ulla alia matri tuae persequendi nos causa est, quam quod utilitatem tuam muliebri prae- [p. 205] posuimus gratiae. [40] vi milia Macedonum peditum et DC equites adduxi: quorum pars secutura me non erat, si militiam detrectantibus indulgere voluissem. Sequitur ergo, ut, quia illa propter hanc causam irascitur nobis, tu mitiges matrem, qui irae eius nos obtulisti.’
I. ALTHOUGH while the traces of his crime were fresh, the soldiers believed that Philotas had been justly punished, yet after the man whom they hated had [2] ceased to live, hatred changed to pity. The distinction of the young Philotas affected them, and t e, old bereavement of his father. Parmenion had been the first to open Asia to the king and as his partner in all dangers had had charge of one wing of the army in battle; he had also been first of Philip’s friends, and was so faithful to Alexander himself that Alexander preferred to use no other emissary in killing Attalus. The thought of these things occurred to the army and mutinous words were reported to the king. He, being not greatly disturbed by these, and well aware that the faults idleness are dispelled by activity, made proclamation for all to appear at the entrance of his head [5] quarters. When he learned that they were present there in great numbers, he entered the assembly.
Atarrhias, undoubtedly by previous arrangement, began by asking that Lyncestes Alexander, long before Philotas had wished to kill the king, should be brought before them. He had been — , with this by two informers, as we have said above, and was now spending the third year of his imprisonment in fetters. It was regarded as certain that he had also with Pausanias, conspired to kill Philip, but because he had been the first to hail Alexander as king, he was exempted from punishment rather than [7] from guilt; then too the prayers of his father-in-law Antipater were delaying the king’s just anger. However, the resentment which had been coming to a head broke out anew, since anxiety from the present danger revived the memory of the one of long standing Therefore Alexander (Lyncestes) was brought out of prison and when ordered to speak, although for three whole years he had practised a defence, yet hesitating and trembling he presented only a few words of what he had composed, and finally, not [9] only his memory, but his thoughts failed him. No one doubted that his alarm was an indication of a guilty conscience and not of a failure of memory. Accordingly, some of those who stood nearest to him ran him through with their lances as he was still struggling with forgetfulness. —
[10] When his body had been taken away, the king ordered Amyntas and Simias to be brought in, for Polemon, the youngest of the brothers, had fled when he heard that Philotas was being tortured.
[11] These had been the dearest of all Philotas friends, and had been advanced to important and honourable positions mainly through his influence, and the king remembered that Philotas had recommended them to him with the greatest urgency, and did not doubt that they had been participants also in this last design [12] of his. Therefore he complained that they had long since been objects of his suspicion because of letters of his mother, in which he had been warned to protec
t his life against them; but that although he had been unwilling to believe unfavourable reports, now forced by clear proofs, he had ordered them to be imprisoned. For it could not be doubted that the day before the crime of Philotas was revealed they had been with him in secret. Moreover, their brother who had run away during the inquisition of Philotas [14] had made clear the reason for his flight. Lately, under the pretence of rendering service, they had removed all other persons to a distance, and contrary to custom had attached themselves to his side without any plausible reason, and because he was surprised that they performed such service out of their turn, and alarmed by their very confusion, he had quickly taken refuge with his guards who were following close after him.
[15] It was added to this, that when Antiphanes, commissary of the cavalry, had given orders to Amyntas, the day before the crime of Philotas had been discovered, that, as was usual, he should turn over some of his horses to those who had lost theirs, Amyntas had replied insolently, that unless Antiphanes gave up his attempt, he would soon know who Amyntas was. That now his violent tongue and the rash words that were hurled at the king himself were nothing other than an indication of, and testimony to, an evil design. If these charges were true, those men deserved the same treatment as Philotas, if false, he himself demanded that they should refute them.
[17] Then Antiphanes, being brought forward, gave testimony about the failure to deliver the horses and also [18] that Amyntas had arrogantly added threats. Then Amyntas, on being given permission to speak, said: “If it makes no difference to the king, I ask that, while I am speaking I may be freed from fetters.” The king ordered both to be released, and when Amyntas desired that the apparel of a guard also be restored to him, he ordered that a lance be given him.
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